Polybius 200 - 118 82 BC
Histories
 
1 About Me 8
2 Education
3 Philosophy
4 Politics
5 News
6 Travel
7 Sports
8 Funding
 
Page Data
Menu 1 .14 7.2
Menu 2 5.2 4:20
Menu 3 53.48 44:28
Total 1,742 24:12
Menu-Body .3% 10% .3% 1/37 1/10 1/30
Books 39 Chapters 1,184
Pages per chapter 1.47 1:14
 
 
3 220 118 161.5
 
5 2 - 216 111 150.6
 
6 258 78
 
 
 
 
 
14 203 12 19
 
 
17 0
 
 
 
 
 
 
28 169 23 25.6
 
29 168 27 26.8
 
 
 
 
34 152 14 16.7
 
36 149 8 8.3
37 149 - 148 10 11
38 147 - 146 11 19.8
 
 
1 219-167. Introduction. importance & magnitude of subject 1 :50.
2 405-394. Immensity of Roman Empire shown by comparison with Persia, Sparta, Macedonia. Persia. 2. Sparta. 3. Macedonia 1.3 1:05.
3 220-217. History starts from 140th Olympiad, when tendency towards unity 1st shows itself. sketch of their previous history necessary to explain success of Romans 1.8 1:30.
4 Need of a comprehensive view of history as well as a close study of an epoch 2 1:40.
5 264-261. I begin my preliminary account in 129th Olympiad, & with circumstances which took Romans to Sicily .9 :45.
6 387-386. Rise of Roman dominion may be traced from retirement of Gauls from city. From that time one nation after another in Italy fell into their hands. Latini. Etruscans, Gauls, & Samnites. Pyrrhus,   280. Southern Italy. Pyrrhus finally quits Italy,   274 1.5 1:15.
7 289. Story of Mamertines at Messene, & Roman garrison at Rhegium, Dio. Cassius fr. Messene. Agathocles died,  2. Rhegium, Livy Ep. 12. Pyrrhus in Sicily,   278-275. 27C. Quintus Claudius, L. Genucius Clepsina, Coss 1.7 1:25.
8 275-274. Effect of fall of rebellious garrison of Rhegium on Mamertines. rise of Hiero. He is elected General by army 1 :50
9    268. Secures support of Leptines by marrying his daughter. His device for getting rid of mutinous mercenaries. Fiume Salso. Hiero next attacks Mamertines & defeats them near Mylae 1.3 1:05,
10 Some of conquered Mamertines appeal to Rome for help. motives of Romans in acceding to this prayer,—jealousy of growing power of Carthage 1.3 1:05.
11 264. Senate shirk responsibility of decision. people vote for helping Mamertines. Appius Claudius Caudex. M. Fulvius Flaccus, Coss. Hiero joins Carthage in laying siege to Mamertines in Messene. Appius comes to relief of besieged,  After vain attempts at negotiation, Appius determines to attack Hiero. Hiero is defeated, & returns to Syracuse 1.9 1:35.
12 Encouraged by this success, he attacks & drives off Carthaginians. Such preliminary sketches are necessary for clearness, & my readers must not be surprised if I follow same system in case of other towns 1.3 1:05.
13 Subjects of two 1st books of Histories.
264-241. War in Sicily or 1st Punic War, 
2. 240-237. Mercenary or “inexpiable” war, 
3. 241-218. Carthaginian movements in Spain, 
4. 229-228. Illyrian war, 
5. 225-221. Gallic war, 
6. 227-221. Cleomenic war,  1st Punic war deserves more detailed treatment, as furnishing a better basis for comparing Rome & Carthage than subsequent wars 1.6 1:20.
14 This is rendered more necessary by partisan misrepresentations of Philinus & Fabius Pictor 1.2 1.
15 Philinus’s misrepresentations 1.8 1:30.
16 264. (Continuing from chap. xii.),   263, Manius Valerius Maximus, Manius Otacilius Crassus, Coss. Consuls with four legions are sent to Sicily. A general move of Sicilian cities to join them. Hiero submits 1.5 1:15.
17 262. Carthaginians alarmed at Hiero’s defection make great efforts to increase their army in Sicily. They select Agrigentum as their headquarters. new Consuls, Lucius Postumius Megellus & Quintus Mamilius Vitulus, determined to lay siege to Agrigentum. Carthaginians make an unsuccessful sally 1.9 1:35.
18 Romans form two strongly-entrenched camps. A relief comes from Carthage to Agrigentum. Hanno seizes Herbesus. Romans faithfully supported by Hiero 1.7 1:25.
19 Hanno tempts Roman cavalry out & defeats them. After two months, Hanno is forced to try to relieve Agrigentum, Hannibal escapes by night; & Romans enter & plunder Agrigentum 2 1:40.
20 261 This success inspires Senate with idea of expelling Carthaginians from Sicily. Romans boldly determine to build ships & meet Carthaginians at sea. A Carthaginian ship used as a model 2.5 2:05.
21 260. Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina, C. Duilius, Coss. Cornelius captured with loss of his ships. rest of Roman fleet arrive & nearly capture Hannibal 1.8 1:30.

22 “corvi” or "crows” for boarding 1.4 1:10.

23 260. Victory of Duilius at Mylae 1.6 1:20
24 259 - 8. Further operations in Sicily. Segesta & Macella. Hamilcar. Hannibal in Sardinia. Coss. A. Atilius Calatinus, G. Sulpicius, Paterculus. Hippana & Myttistratum. Camarina 1.6 1:20.
25 257 - 6. Coss. C. Atilius Regulus, Cn. Cornelius, Blasio 2.  Fighting off Tyndaris. Coss. L. Manlius, Vulso Longus, M. Atilius Regulus 2. (Suff.) 1.3 1:05
26 Preparations for Battle of Ecnomus. Roman forces. 330 ships, with average of 420 men (300 rowers + 120 marines) = 138,600 men. Carthaginian numbers, 150,000 men. Roman order at Ecnomus 2.3 1:55.
27 Disposition of Carthaginian fleet. battle 1.8 1:30.
28 Three separate battles. 1st with Hamilcar’s squadron. 2nd squadron under Regulus. 3rd squadron relieved by Regulus & Manlius. General result 1.9 1:35.
29 256-255. Siege of Aspis. (Clupea.) Aspis taken. M. Atilius Regulus remains in Africa 1.6 1:20.
30 256-255. operations of Regulus in Libya. Defeat of Carthaginians near Adys. Tunes 1.8 1:30.
31 Distress at Carthage, which is heightened by an inroad of Numidians. terms rejected 1.4 1:10.
32 Arrival of Spartan Xanthippus in Carthage 1.5 1:15.
33 New strategy of Carthaginians. dispositions for battle 1.4 1:10.
34 Battle. Romans are beaten & annihilated. Regulus made prisoner 1.8 1:30.
35 Eurip. fr. One wise man’s skill is worth a world in arms 1.2 1.
36 255. Xanthippus quits Carthage. Romans prepare a fleet to relieve their beaten army. Coss. Ser. Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior, M. Aemilius Paullus 1.5 1:15.
37 Fleet is lost in a storm 1.7 1:25.
38 254. Carthaginians renew operations in Sicily. Coss. Gn. Cornelius Scipio Asina 2., Aulus Atilius, Calatinus 2 1.3 1:05.
39 253. Coss. Gn. Servilius Caepio, G. Sempronius Blaesus. 252 - Coss. Lucius Caecilius Metellus, G. Furius Pacilus. 252- 50 2 1:40.
40 251. Skirmishing at Panormus 2.2 1:50.
41 250. C. Caecilius Regulus 2., L. Manlius Vulso 2 1.1 :55.
42 250. Siege of Lilybaeum 1.7 1:25
43 Attempted treason in Lilybaeum 1.4 1:10.
44 Hannibal relieves Lilybaeum 1.2 1.
45 A sally from Lilybaeum. It fails 2.2 1:50.
46 Hannibal Rhodian offers to run blockade 1.8 1:30.
47 His example is followed by others. Rhodian is at length captured 1.6 1:20.
48 A storm having damaged siege-works, Lilybaeans succeed in burning them 1.6 1:20.
49 249. Roman army is reinforced. Coss. P. Claudius Pulcher, L. Junius Pullus. Claudius sails to attack Drepana 2.9 2:25.
50 Unexpected resistance of Adherbal. Roman fleet checked 1.2 1.
51 battle. Romans beaten 1.8 1:30.
52 Romans not discouraged send Consul L. Junius with a large supply of provisions in 800 transports, convoyed by 60 ships of war to Lilybaeum 1.2 1.
53 Carthalo tries to intercept transports 1.8 1:30.
54 Roman fleet is wrecked 1.3 1:05.
55 248. Romans abandon sea. Lucius Junius perseveres in siege.  Eryx 1.4 1:10.
56 247-244. Occupation of Hercte by Hamilcar 1.6 1:20.
57 Boxer Analogy 1.1 :55
58 243-242. Siege of Eryx, obstinate persistence of Romans & Carthaginians 1.4 1:10.
59 242. Romans once more fit out a fleet. Coss. C. Lutatius Catulus, A. Postumius Albinus 1.9 1:35.
60 Carthaginians send Hanno with a fleet. 10th March   24A strong breeze is blowing. Lutatius however decides to fight 1.5 1:15.
61 Battle of Aegusa. Victory of Romans 1.2 1.
62 242. Barcas makes terms. treaty 1.4 1:10
63 Greatness of war 1.3 1:05.
64 Why see travel is difficult .9 :45.
65 241 War between Rome & Falerii. mercenary war 1.2 1
66 Evacuation of Sicily. mercenaries sent to Sicca 1.9 1:35.
67 241 Beginning of outbreak 2 1:40
68 mercenaries at Tunes. Attempts to pacify them. demands of mercenaries.The dispute referred to arbitration of Gesco 1.8 1:30.
69 Spendius. Mathōs. Spendius & Mathōs cause an outbreak 1.9 1:35.
70 240. Gesco & his staff seized & thrown into chain 1.4 1:10s.
71 Despair at Carthage 1.1 :55.
72 Revolt of country people .9 :45.
73 Hanno’s management of war 1 :50.
74 Fails to relieve Utica. Hanno’s continued ill success 1.9 1:35.
75 Hamilcar Barcas takes command. He gets his men across Macaras 1.6 1:20.
76 & defeats Spendius 1.5 1:15.
77 Mathōs harasses Hamilcar’s march .8 :40.
78 Hamilcar is joined by Numidian Narávas. Again defeats Spendius 1.7 1:25.
79 239. Mutiny in Sardinia. Plan of Spendius for doing away with good impression made by leniency of Barcas 1.8 1:30.
80 Murder of Gesco 1.5 1:15.
81 Carthiginians response 1.7 1:25.
82 Quarrels of Hanno & Hamilcar. Revolt of Hippo Zarytus & Utica 2 1:40.
83 Hiero of Syracuse. Friendly disposition of Rome 1.3 1:05.
84 238. Hamilcar, with assistance from Sicily, surrounds Mathōs & Spendius 1.7 1:25.
85 Spendius & Autaritus fall into hands of Hamilcar .9 :45.
86 Siege of Mathōs in Tunes. Defeat & death of Hannibal 1.2 1.
87 By a final effort Carthaginians raise a reinforcement for Hamilcar. Mathōs beaten & captured 1.3 1:05.
88 241-238. Reduction of Hippo & Utica. Romans interfere in Sardinia 1.3 1:05.
1 238, Recapitulation of subjects treated in Book I. 238-229. Hamilcar & his son Hannibal sent to Spain 1.3 1:05.
2 233-232. Illyricum. Siege of Medion in Acarnania 1.3 1:05.
3 Illyrians relieve Medion 1.1 :55.
4 231 Death of Agron, who is succeeded by his wife Teuta 1.3 1:05,
5 230. Teuta’s piratical fleet, Takes Phoenice in Epirus 1.3 1:05.
6 Aetolian & Achaean leagues send a force to relief of Epirotes. A truce is made. Illyrians depart 1.4 1:10.
7 Career of a body of Gallic mercenaries, at Agrigentum, at Eryx. Disarmed by Romans 1.7 1:25.
8 230. Illyrian pirates. Romans interfere, Queen Teuta’s reception of Roman legates. Roman legate assassinated 1.8 1:30.
9 229. Another piratical fleet sent out by Teuta. Their treacherous attack on Epidamnus, which is repulsed. Attack on Corcyra. Corcyreans appeal to Aetolian & Achaean leagues 1.4 1:10.
10 Defeat of Achaean ships. Corcyra submits 1.2 1.
11 229. Roman Consuls, with fleet & army, start to punish Illyrians. Corcyra becomes a “friend of Rome.” Aulus Postumius. Roman settlement of Illyricum 2 1:40.
12 228. Teuta submits 1.1 :55.
13 228. Hasdrubal in Spain. founding of New Carthage, Dread of Gauls. Treaty with Hasdrubal 1.2 1.
14 Geography of Italy. Col di Tenda 1.9 1:35.
15 Gallia Cis-Alpina 1.2 1.
16 Alps. Apennines. Po. 15th July 1.8 1:30.
17 Gauls expel Etruscans from valley of Po. Their character 1.5 1:15.
18 390. Battle of Allia, Latin war,   349-340. 360. 348. 334 1.2 1.
19 299. 297. 283. Sena Gallica 1.5 1:15.
20 282 1.1 :55.
21 236. 232 1.3 1:05.
22 231 1.6 1:20.
23  225. Coss. L. Aemilius Papus. C. Atilius Regulus 1.4 1:10.
24 Roman resources 1.6 1:20.
25 Gauls enter Etruria. Praetor’s army defeated at Clusium 1.3 1:05.
26 On arrival of Aemilius Gauls retire 1.3 1:05.
27 Atilius landing at Pisa intercepts march of Gauls 1.4 1:10.
28 Battle of horse. Atilius falls 1.4 1:10.
29 3 Army Battle 1.1 :55
30 Infantry engage 1.2 1.
31 224. Aemilius returns home 1 :50.
32 223 1.4 1:10.
33 Battle with Insubres 1.5 1:15.
34 222. Attack on Insubres 1.8 1:30.
35 480. 279 1.7 1:25.
36 221 Death of Hasdrubal in Spain,  Succession of Hannibal to command in Spain. His hostility to Rome .8 :40.
37 220-217. Social war,  progress of Achaean league 1.8 1:30.
38 origin of name as embracing all Peloponnese 1.5 1:15.
39 405-367. 371 1.6 1:20.
40 Union of Peloponnese .9 :45.
41 284-280. 124th Olympiad, 37323-284. 1st Achaean league. 284-280, 2nd Achaean league 1.7 1:25.
42 2nd league .9 :45
43 255-254. Margos. 251-250. Aratus. 243-242. Victory of Lutatius off insulae Aegates,   241 Antigonus Gonatas,   283-239 1.3 1:05.
44 239-229. Demetrius 1 :50
45 229-220. Aetolians & Antigonus Doson 1.1 :55
46 229-227. Aetolians intrigue with Cleomenes, King of Sparta 1.1 :55
47 227-221 Cleomenes, Aratus applies to Antigonus Doson 1.4 1:10.
48 338. Philip 2. in Peloponnese 1 :50
49 message to Antigonus Doson 1.5 1:15.
50 Aratus wishes to do without king if possible 1.7 1:25.
51 Euergetes jealous of Macedonian policy of Aratus, helps Cleomenes 1.1 :55.
52 224. Achaeans offer to surrender Acrocorinthus to Antigonus. Cleomenes prepares to resist. Antigonus comes to Isthmus 1.3 1:05
53 Achaeans seize Argos .8 :40.
54 223. Antigonus receives Acrocorinthus. Recovery of Tegea. Skirmish with Cleomenes. Capture of Orchomenus & Mantinea. & Heraea & Telphusa 1.5 1:15.
55 Messenian exiles at Megalopolis 1.3 1:05
56 Digression on misstatements of Phylarchus. Mantinea 2.6 2:10.
57 227 1.1 :55.
58 Aetolians & Lacedaemonians 2 1:40
59 Aristomachus 1.5 1:15
60 Death of Demetrius 1.2 1.
61 Megalopolis 1.7 1:25.
62 378. Its wealth 1.5 1:15.
63 Ptolemy Euergetes & Cleomenes .9 :45.
64 222. Cleomenes invades Argos 1.1 :55.
65 Summer campaign. army of Antigonus. position of Cleomenes at Sellasia 1.5 1:15.
66 Antigonus 1.3 1:05
67 Battle of Sellasia. Philopoemen’s presence of mind 1 :50.
68 Defeat of Eucleidas 1.5 1:15.
69 Defeat of Cleomenes 1.3 1:05.
70 220. Death of Antigonus Doson 1.1 :55
71 284-280.   224-220 1.2 1.
1 220 to 168. 220-216. Summary of work 1.4 1:10.
2 cause & course of Hannibalian war.
2. 216. Macedonian treaty with Carthage, 
3. 218. Syrian war, 
4. 220. Byzantine war, 1st digression on Roman Constitution. 2nd on Hiero of Syracuse.
5. 204. attempted partition of dominions of Ptolemy Epiphanes 1.3 1:05,
3 6. 201-197. War with Philip, 
7. 192-191. Asiatic war,
8. Gallic wars of Eumenes & Prusias.
9. 188-168. Union of Peloponnese. Antiochus Epiphanes in Egypt. Fall of Macedonian monarchy 1.3 1:05,
4 168-146. plan extended to embrace period from 1.9 1:35.
5 155-150; A new departure; breaking-up of arrangement made after fall of Macedonia. Wars of Carthage against Massinissa; & of Rome against Celtiberians, & against Carthage (3d Punic war,   149-146) 1.3 1:05.
6 334, 192, 401-400, 396-394, origin of 2d Punic war 2 1:40;
7 War with Antiochus 1 :50.
8 Credibility of Fabius Pictor 1.5 1:15.
9 Hannibalian or 2nd Punic war. 1st cause 1.2 1.
10 238. 2nd cause. 3rd cause 1.1 :55.
11 195. 238. Hannibal’s oath 1.5 1:15.
12 Hamilcar & Hasdrubal .9 :45
13 229. Death of Hamilcar,  221 Death of Hasdrubal 1 :50
14 220. Hannibal attacks Vaccaei 1.4 1:10.
15 220-219. Saguntum appeals to Rome. Hannibal’s defiance 1.8 1:30.
16 219. Illyrian war, Coss. M. Livius Salinator L. Aemilius Paullus 1.1 :55.
17 Hannibal besieges Saguntum. Fall of Saguntum 1.4 1:10.
18 219. Illyrian war 1.2 1
19 Capture of Pharos 1.5 1:15.
20 Indignation at Rome at fall of Saguntum. Envoys sent to Carthage to demand surrender of Hannibal 1.3 1:05.
21 Sicilian war 1.4 1:10.
22 509-508. Treaties between Rome & Carthage. 1st treaty 1.3 1:05
23 “Fair Promontory” .9 :45
24 306 2nd treaty 1.6 1:20
25 279. 3rd treaty 1.1 :55
26 Misstatement of Philinus 1.1 :55.
27 241 4th treaty, 5th treaty,   238. 6th treaty, 228 .9 :45.
28 No excuse for Roman claim on Sardinia .8 :40.
29 Roman Case 1.6 1:20.
30 Mutual provocation .8 :40.
31 Status quo 1.7 1:25.
32 Italy, Sicily, & Libya 1.5 1:15
33 219-218  Answer of Fabius.  Hannibal’s arrangements for coming campaign. inscription recording these facts 2 1:40.
34 Libya & Iberia 1.4 1:10,
35 218. Hannibal breaks up his winter quarters & starts for Italy 1.1 :55.
36 Geography of Hannibal’s march 1 :50.
37 General view of geography of world 1.4 1:10.
38 extreme north & south unknown .9 :45.
39 length of march from Carthagena to Po, 1,125 Roman miles 1.2 1.
40 218. Coss. P. Cornelius Scipio & Tib. Sempronius Longus. Consuls are sent, one to Spain, & other to Africa. Placentia & Cremona. Outrage by Boii & Insubres 2.1 1:45.
41 Tiberius Sempronius prepares to attack Carthage. Publius Scipio lands near Marseilles 1.3 1:05.
42 Hannibal reaches Rhone. A detachment crosses higher up river 1.4 1:10.
43 Crossing begun 1.7 1:25.
44 Completed. Message from friendly Gauls 1.8 1:30.
45 Skirmish between reconnoitring parties .9 :45.
46 passage of elephants 1.7 1:25.
47 Passage of Alps 1.4 1:10
48 Deus ex machina 1.9 1:35.
49 Scipio finds that Hannibal has escaped him. Hannibal’s march to foot of Alps 1.7 1:25.
50 ascent 1.3 1:05.
51 Gauls harass army 1.8 1:30.
52 Treachery of Gauls 1.2 1.
53 Severe losses. Arrives at summit 1.4 1:10.
54 9th November.. descent 1.3 1:05.
55 A break in road 1.4 1:10.
56 He reaches plains .9 :45.
57 Digression on limits of history 1.2 1.
58 Correcting their mistakes 1.3 1:05.
59 Asiatic districts 1.1 :55.
60 Rest & recovery. Taking of Turin 1.5 1:15.
61 Approach of Scipio. Tiberius Sempronius recalled 1.7 1:25.
62 Gallic prisoners 1.4 1:10.
63 Hannibal’s speech 1.9 1:35.
64 Scipio crosses Ticinus 1.8 1:30.
65 219. Skirmish of cavalry near Ticinus, Nov 1.4 1:10.
66 Scipio retires to Placentia on right bank of Po. Hannibal crosses Po higher up & follows Scipio to Placentia 1.6 1:20.
67 Treachery of Gauls serving in army of Scipio. Scipio changes his position at Placentia to one on Trebia 1.5 1:15.
68 Hannibal follows him. Scipio’s position on slopes of Apennines, near source of Trebia. Tiberius Sempronius joins Scipio 1.7 1:25.
69 Fall of Clastidium. Hannibal’s policy towards Italians. A skirmish favourable to Romans 1.8 1:30.
70 Sempronius resolves to give battle 1.5 1:15.
71 Hannibal prepares an ambuscade 1.9 1:35.
72 218. Battle of Trebia, December Hannibal’s forces. Roman forces 1.7 1:25.
73 Roman cavalry retreat 1 :50.
74 Both Roman wings defeated. Roman centre fights its way to Placentia 1.3 1:05.
75 118-117. Great exertions at Rome to meet danger 1 :50.
76 Gnaeus Scipio in Spain 1.6 1:20.
77 217. Hannibal conciliates Italians .9 :45.
78 Winter quarters 1.1 :55
79 217. Hannibal starts for Etruria. Spring of  1.7 1:25
80 Hannibal in valley of Arno .7 :35.
81 Hannibal correctly judges character of Flaminius 1.7 1:25.
82 Flaminius is drawn out of camp 1.3 1:05.
83 ambuscade at Lake Thrasymene 1 :50.
84 battle, 22d June 2.2 1:50.
85 Hannibal’s treatment of prisoners. Dismay at Rome 1.3 1:05.
86 Servilius’s advanced guard cut to pieces. Hannibal’s advance after battle 1.5 1:15.
87 Q. Fabius Maximus Dictator 1.5 1:15.
88 Fabius takes command 1 :50.
89 Cunctator 1.3 1:05.
90 Minucius discontented. Hannibal in Samnium & Apulia 1.7 1:25.
91 Sinuessa, Cumae, Puteoli, Naples, & Nuceria 1.1 :55;
92 Hannibal descends into Falernian plain. Fabius lies in wait 1.4 1:10.
93 Hannibal eludes him 1.6 1:20.
94 217. Hannibal gets through pass. Autumn,  Fabius goes to Rome, leaving command to M. Minucius 1.5 1:15.
95 217. Spain 1.1 :55
96 Roman success at sea 1.6 1:20.
97 217. Publius Scipio, whose imperium is prolonged after his Consulship of previous year, with Spain assigned as his province, is sent to join his brother there with 20 ships 1.2 1
98 Treason of Abilyx 2 1:40.
99 Abilyx 1.4 1:10.
100 Hannibal takes Geronium 1 :50.
101 217. Minucius obtains a slight success. Autumn 1.3 1:05
102 Carthaginian foragers cut off 1.3 1:05.
103 Minucius invested with co-equal powers with Fabius 1.1 :55.
104 Hannibal draws on Minucius 1 :50.
105 Fabius comes to rescue 1.5 1:15.
106 216. Coss. G. Terentius Varro & L. Aemilius Paulus 1.2 1.
107 216. Senate order a battle 1.9 1:35.
108 Consuls Aemilius Paulus, & Terentius Varro go to seat of war. Speech of Aemilius 1.3 1:05.
109 Consuls 2 1:40
110 Roman army approaches Cannae. Terentius Varro orders an advance. Romans are successful 1.7 1:25.
111 Hannibal harangues his troops 1.7 1:25.
112 Hannibal irritates enemy. Anxiety at Rome 1.3 1:05.
113 Dispositions for battle of Cannae 1.3 1:05.
114 Libyans was Roman .8 :40,
115 216. Battle, 2nd August, Romans outflanked by cavalry 1.6 1:20.
116 Fall of Aemilius Paulus 1.9 1:35.
117 Losses of Romans 1.5 1:15.
118 216. Results of battle. Defection of allies. Fall of Lucius Postumius in Gaul 1.5 1:15.
1 220-216. Recapitulation of Achaean history, before 220, contained in Book 2, 41-71. Ending with deaths of Antigonus Doson, Seleucus Ceraunus, & Ptolemy Euergetes, before 140th Olympiad,   220-216 1.3 1:05.
2 224-220. Reasons for starting from this point. (1.) fact that history of Aratus ends at that point. (2.) possibility of getting good evidence. (3.) changes in various governments in 139th Olympiad 1.4 1:10.
3 222. Aetolians. raids of Dorimachus in Messenia 1.9 1:35.
4 Dorimachus leaves Messene 1.4 1:10.
5 221 Dorimachus becomes practically Strategus of Aetolia, He induces Scopas to go to war with Messenia, Epirus, Achaia, Acarnania, & Macedonia 1.5 1:15.
6 220. Acts of hostility against Macedonia, Epirus, & Acarnania. Before midsummer.  Invasion of Messenia by Dorimachus & Scopas 1.6 1:20.
7 222-221. Achaean league decide to assist Messenians. 220 Aratus becomes Strategus of Achaean league 1.6 1:20.
8 Character of Aratus 1.8 1:30.
9 armed levy of Achaeans summoned. Dorimachus ordered to quit Messenia without passing through Achaia. Scopas & Dorimachus prepare to obey 1.5 1:15.
10 Aratus dismisses Achaean levy, with exception of 3000 foot & 300 horse. Dorimachus turns upon Aratus 1.2 1.
11 220. Battle of Caphyae 1.3 1:05
12 Achaeans defeated 2 1:40.
13 Aetolians retire at their leisure .8 :40.
14 220. Midsummer, Attacked at Achaean Congress, Aratus successfully defends himself 1.7 1:25.
15 224-220. 139th Olympiad, ; 220-216. 140th Olympiad, Achaean league determine upon war with Aetolians, & send round to their allies for assistance 1.7 1:25.
16 Treachery of Spartans. Invasion of Achaia by Aetolians & Illyrians 1.5 1:15.
17 previous history of Cynaetha 1.7 1:25.
18 Polemarchs 1.6 1:20,
19 Measures taken by Aratus. Aetolians at temple of Artemis. They fail at Cleitor. They burn Cynaetha & return home. Demetrius of Pharos. Treason of Spartans. Inactivity of Aratus 2 1:40.
20 Reasons of barbarity of Cynaethans. Their neglect of refining influences of music, which is carefully encouraged in rest of Arcadia 2 1:40.
21 object of musical training of Arcadians 1.8 1:30.
22 220. Philip V. comes to Corinth. Advances toward Sparta. Adeimantus assassinated 1.7 1:25.
23 Philip summons Spartan deputies to Tegea 1.4 1:10.
24 king decides not to chastise Sparta 1.3 1:05.
25 congress of allies at Corinth declare war against Aetolians 1.5 1:15.
26 220. Autumn 1.2 1
27 382. Scopas elected Aetolian Strategus 1.6 1:20.
28 118 1 :50.
29 Philip secures support of Scerdilaidas 1.1 :55.
30 220. Acarnanians, Duplicity of Epirotes. Ptolemy Philopator 1.2 1.
31 480-479. Timidity of Messenians 1 :50.
32 Arcadians & Lacedaemonians 1.4 1:10,
33 362 1.6 1:20.
34 220. Division of opinion in Sparta 1.6 1:20
35 220. Murder of Ephors, 242. Agesipolis appointed king, & Lycurgas 2.4 2.
36 Spartans attack Argos, & proclaim war with Achaeans 1.1 :55.
37 219. Aratus succeeded by his son as Strategus of Achaeans 1 :50,
38 220-219  Rhodian & Byzantium war, Advantages of situation of Byzantium 2 1:40.
39 Pontus 1.7 1:25.
40 “offering,” 1.5 1:15
41 Breasts 1.5 1:15.
42 Filling up Pontus 1.1 :55.
43 512. Site of Byzantium 1.4 1:10.
44 410 1.5 1:15.
45 Disadvantages of Byzantium 1.2 1.
46 279. Gauls .8 :40
47 220. Byzantines levy a toll. Rhodians declare war .8 :40,
48 226. Achaeus 1.6 1:20.
49 Prusias .8 :40.
50 220. Hostilities commence 1.2 1,
51 Rhodians secure friendship of Achaeus 1.5 1:15.
52 220. Gallic king, Cavarus, negotiates a peace 1.2 1
53 War between Rhodes & Crete .4 :20.
54 destruction of Lyttos 1.8 1:30.
55 Appeal to Achaeans & Philip 1 :50.
56 Mithridates IV., king of Pontus, declares war against Sinope 1.6 1:20.
57 219. History of Social war. Philip starts for Aetolia, Night surprise of Aegira 1.7 1:25.
58 Alexander killed 1.6 1:20.
59 Euripidas .7 :35.
60 Inactivity of Aratus. Dyme, Pharae, & Tritaea separate from league 1.8 1:30.
61 219. Philip V. at Ambracia 1.1 :55
62 Scopas tries to effect a diversion by invading Macedonia. On his return he destroys Dium 1 :50.
63 Ambracus taken. Philip enters Aetolia; takes Phoeteiae 1.6 1:20.
64 Metropolis & Conope. Skirmish on Achelous. Ithoria 1.6 1:20.
65 Paeanium. Fortifies Oeniadae 1.4 1:10.
66 219. Philip recalled to Macedonia by threatened invasion of Dardani. Events in Spain & Italy 1.7 1:25.
67 217. Dorimachus Aetolian Strategus, 219. Destroys Dodona. Philip starts again 1.4 1:10.
68 218, Jan.-Feb. Destruction of a marauding army of Eleans under Euripidas 1.1 :55.
69 Eleans come across Macedonians at junction of two roads above Stymphalus 1.2 1.
70 Philip advances to Psophis. A description of Psophis 1.6 1:20.
71 Capture of Psophis 1.2 1.
72 Surrender of citadel of Psophis 1.4 1:10.
73 Lasion & Stratus. Philip at Olympia. Prosperity of Elis 1.4 1:10.
74 ancient privileges of Elis lost 1.3 1:05.
75 Capture of Thalamae 1.1 :55.
76 Oppressive conduct of Apelles to Achaeans 1.5 1:15.
77 218. Character of Philip V. Philip continues his campaign. Arrival of Aetolian troops under Phillidas, Triphylia 1.5 1:15.
78 Capture of Alipheira 1.5 1:15.
79 Typanae & Phigalia surrender to Philip .9 :45.
80 Lepreum. Samicum, & other towns 2 1:40.
81 218. Chilon tries to seize crown of Sparta,   236-222. Decline of Sparta 2.4 2.
82 218. Apelles opposes Aratus, Jan.-May,  Election of Eperatus as Achaean Strategus 1.6 1:20.
83 Capture of Wall, & expedition into Elis .7 :35.
84 Intrigue of Apelles 1.3 1:05.
85 King investigates charge against Aratus .9 :45.
86 Aratus is cleared 1.1 :55.
87 Apelles 1.9 1:35.
1 218. Recognition of Philip’s services by assembly of Achaean league 1.5 1:15.
2 218. King prepares to carry on war by sea. Fresh intrigue of Apelles. Philip starts on his naval expedition 1.9 1:35
3 Siege of Palus 1.5 1:15.
4 Arrival of allies at Palus. walls are undermined & a breach made. Leontius plays traitor 1.7 1:25.
5 Ambassadors from Acarnania urge Philip to invade Aetolia; others from Messenia beg him to come there. Philip decides on invasion of Aetolia 2 1:40.
6 Philip is joined by Acarnanians, & marches to Achelous 1.1 :55.
7 Leontius tries to hinder march. king crosses Achelous & advances against Thermus 1.5 1:15.
8 plundering of Thermus 1.5 1:15.
9 Sacrilege committed at Thermus. Was it justifiable? 1.5 1:15
10 338 - 5. subsequent decline in Philip’s character 1.7 1:25.
11 Error of such sacrilege as a matter of policy 1.8 1:30.
12 Blame chiefly belongs to Demetrius of Pharos 1.2 1.
13 Return of Philip from Thermus. Matape. Acrae. Stratus 1.7 1:25.
14 Philip victorious in a skirmish with garrison of Stratus. Arrival at Limnaea 1.2 1.
15 Megaleas & Leontius betray their chagrin at king’s success. They assault Aratus. Megaleas & Crinon held to bail 1.1 :55.
16 Arrival at Leucas. Megaleas fined twenty talents 1.2 1.
17 Lycurgus of Sparta attacks Tegea. Elis. Dorimachus recalled from Thessaly by Philip’s invasion of Aetolia. Philip arrives at Corinth 1.2 1.
18 Tegea. Amyclae & Sparta. Dismay at Sparta 1.4 1:10.
19 Carnium. Gythium. Helos 1 :50.
20 Abortive attempt of Messenians to join Philip. Lycurgus resolves to intercept Philip on his return at pass opposite Sparta 1.6 1:20.
21 Value of local knowledge 1.1 :55.
22 position of Sparta & neighbouring heights. dispositions of Lycurgus. Philip succeeds in baffling Lycurgus 1.6 1:20.
23 Lacedaemonians 1.1 :55.
24 222. Philip’s strong position. Sellasia, Philip proceeds to Tegea, where he is visited by ambassadors from Rhodes & Chios seeking to end Aetolian war 1.6 1:20.
25 Treason of Megaleas & Ptolemy .9 :45.
26 Apelles sent for by Leontius. Apelles rebuffed by king. Courtiers 2.2 1:50.
27 Flight of Megaleas. Leontius put to death 1.2 1.
28 30 days’ truce offered by Aetolians through Rhodian & Chian ambassadors. Treason of Megaleas detected. His arrest & suicide. Death of Appelles 1.2 1.
29 218. Failure of negotiations with Aetolians. Review of events of year in Italy, Asia, Sparta 1.5 1:15.
30 218-217. Disorder in Achaia owing to incompetence of Strategus Eperatus. Aratus elder elected Strategus. 140th Olympiad, Asia 1.4 1:10.
31 Coele-Syria 1.2 1.
32 “Well begun is half done,” .8 :40
33 388 Iberia, Libya, Sicily, & Italy 1.2 1.
34 222. Death of Ptolemy Euergetes 1.3 1:05,
35 Cleomenes endeavours to get assistance from Egyptian court 1.8 1:30.
36 reason of opposition of Sosibius 1.1 :55.
37 intrigue of Sosibius against Cleomenes 1.5 1:15.
38 Cleomenes put under arrest 1.3 1:05.
39 220. Bold attempt of Cleomenes to recover his liberty. His failure & death 1.1 :55,
40 220-219. origin of war in Coele-Syria 1.2 1.
41 Revolt of Molon. Intrigues of Hermeias 1.5 1:15.
42 Hermeias 1.5 1:15,
43 Marriage of Antiochus III. Molon 1 :50.
44 Description of Media 1.1 :55.
45 221 Molon takes up arms. Xenoetas sent against Molon, King Antiochus in Coele-Syria 1.3 1:05.
46 Xenoetas at 1st successful 1.7 1:25.
47 Xenoetas 1 :50,
48 221 Molon returns to his camp. Molon’s successful campaign 1.9 1:35
49 Epigenes put to death by intrigues of Hermeias 1.2 1.
50 Hermeias 1.8 1:30.
51 221-220. Antiochus advances through Mesopotamia 1.5 1:15.
52 Antiochus crosses Tigris. Molon also crosses Tigris. Abortive attempt of Molon to make a night attack on king 1.7 1:25.
53 Disposition of king’s army. Molon’s disposition 1.2 1.
54 Death of Molon & his fellow-conspirators 1.7 1:25.
55 Extension of expedition. treasonable designs of Hermeias. Artabazanes 1.3 1:05.
56 220. Fall & death of Hermeias 2.1 1:45
57 Attempted treason of Achaeus 1.1 :55.
58 219. War with Ptolemy,Apollophanes advises that they begin by taking Seleucia 1.4 1:10.
59 Description of Seleucia 1.3 1:05.
60 Capture of Seleucia 1.7 1:25.
61 Theodotus turns against Ptolemy 1.4 1:10.
62 Antiochus invades Coele-Syria 1.1 :55.
63 Active measures of Agathocles & Sosibius 1.6 1:20.
64 Reorganisation of arm .8 :40.
65 Eurylochus of Magnesia 1.3 1:05.
66 219-218. Negotiations at Memphis 1.3 1:05
67 323-285. Antiochus’s case. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, Ptolemy’s case 1.8 1:30.
68 Renewal of hostilities, 218. Antiochus marches to Beirût 1.6 1:20.
69 pass at Porphyrion. carried by Antiochus 1.4 1:10.
70 advance of Antiochus continued. Philoteria. Scythopolis. Atabyrium. Defections from Ptolemy. Pella, Camus, Gephrus 1.4 1:10.
71 218-217. Abila. Gadara. Rabbatamana. Fall of Rabbatamana. Samaria. Antiochus goes into winter quarters 1.7 1:25,
72 218. Asia Minor, Relief of Pednelissus 1.2 1.
73 Pednelissus 2.1 1:45.
74 Panic at Selge. Logbasis turns traitor 1.3 1:05.
75 Failure of treason of Logbasis 1.5 1:15.
76 Cesbedium 1.4 1:10.
77 expedition of Attalus to recover cities which had joined Achaeus 1.1 :55.
78 Mutiny of Gauls 1.1 :55.
79 217. Antiochus & Ptolemy recommence hostilities in spring.
Ptolemy’s army: 70,000 infantry, 5000 cavalry, 73 elephants. army of Antiochus: 62,000 infantry, 6000 cavalry, 102 elephants 1.3 1:05.
80 Ptolemy enters Palestine. Antiochus goes to meet him .9 :45.
81 Daring attempt of Theodotus to assassinate Ptolemy 1 :50.
82 Disposition of two armies for battle of Rhaphia 1.4 1:10.
83 Addresses to two armies before battle of Rhaphia 1 :50.
84 battle of Rhaphia. Fighting elephants. Antiochus’s right wing successful 1.3 1:05.
85 Ptolemy’s right wing also successful. centre coming into action. Ptolemy is victorious. Final retreat of Antiochus 1.6 1:20.
86 losses on either side. effect of battle of Rhaphia 1.6 1:20.
87 217. Peace between Ptolemy & Antiochus for a year 1.1 :55
88 224. Earthquake at Rhodes. Royal liberality,  Hiero & Gelo 1.4 1:10.
89 Ptolemy. Antigonus 1 :50.
90 Other princes 1.2 1.
91 217. Greece. Return of Lycurgus to Sparta. He projects an invasion of Messenia. preparations of Aratus 1.1 :55.
92 ill-success of Lycurgus 1 :50.
93 Condition of Megalopolis 1.2 1.
94 Another raid of Aetolians from Elis. Achaean fleet retaliates on Aetolia 1.2 1.
95 Scerdilaidas Illyrian plunders coast. More raids 1.7 1:25.
96 Acarnania. Phanoteus in Phocis. biter bit 1.2 1.
97 Philip’s campaign in Upper Macedonia & Thessaly. Meliteia .8 :40.
98 Continued.. 1.4 1:10.
99 217. Thebae Phthiotides 1.1 :55
100 Thebes is taken, its inhabitants enslaved, & its name changed to Philippopolis 1.4 1:10.
101 217. Nemean festival. Philip hears of Battle of Thrasymene 1.5 1:15,
102 A peace congress summoned. Zacynthus visited by Philip 1.4 1:10.
103 Philip goes to Naupactus 1.1 :55.
104 Speech of Agelaus of Naupactus foreshadowing Roman conquest 1.9 1:35.
105 217. Peace ratified. Olympiad 140, Eastern & Western politics become involved with each other 1.4 1:10.
106 216. Timoxenus Achaean Strategus, May  Isolation of Athens 1.2 1.
107 217-216  Revolt in Egypt. Discontent of Aetolians with peace 1.1 :55.
108 217-216. Philip’s war against Scerdilaidas of Illyria, Coss. Caius Terentius Varro & Lucius Aemilius Paulus 2 1.5 1:15.
109 216. Philip’s preparation for an invasion of Italy ,8 0.
110 Panic-stricken at reported approach of a Roman squadron, Philip retreats to Cephallenia 1.3 1:05.
111 220-216. Prusias & Gauls 1.3 1:05.
1 Preface 1.2 1.
2 Continued .3 :15.
3 Classification of polities 1.4 1:10.
4 Six forms of polity, & their natural cycle 1.5 1:15.
5 origin of social compact 1.6 1:20.
6 Origin of morality, which transmutes despotism into kingship 2 1:40,
7 which in its turn degenerates into tyranny 1.5 1:15.
8 Tyranny is then displaced by aristocracy, which degenerates into oligarchy .9 :45,
9 which is replaced by democracy, which degenerates into rule of corruption & violence, only to be stopped by a return to despotism 2.3 1:55.
10  Lycurgus recognized these truths, & legislated accordingly 1.9 1:35
11 216. Roman constitution at epoch of Cannae,Triple element in Roman Constitution 1.7 1:25.
12 Consuls 1 :50.
13 Senate 1.2 1.
14 people 1.5 1:15.
15 mutual relation of three. Consul dependent on Senate, & on people 1.5 1:15.
16 Senate controlled by people .8 :40.
17 people dependent on Senate & Consul 1.3 1:05.
18 Continued. 1.1 :55
19 levy 1 :50
20 Continued 1 :50.
21 Fourfold division of Legionaries 1.3 1:05.
22 Arms of the Velites .6 :30.
23 2. Arms of the Hastati, Principes, and Triarii 1.9 1:35.
24 Election of Centurions 1.1 :55.
25 Officers & arms of equites 1.7 1:25.
26 Assembly of legions. Socii 1.5 1:15.
27 Castrorum metatio 1 :50.
28 principia. quarters .8 :40.
29 viae 1.2 1.
30 Via Quintana 1 :50.
31 space between Principia & agger 2.1 1:45.
32 Provision for extra numbers 1.2 1
33 Guard duty 1.7 1:25.
34 Construction of fossa & agger 1.7 1:25.
35 Night watches .8 :40.
36 Visiting rounds 1.9 1:35.
37 Military punishments: fustuarium 1.7 1:25.
38 Decimatio .8 :40.
39 Military decorations 2.1 1:45.
40 Continued 1.6 1:20.
41 Encampment on march 1.6 1:20.
42 Continued .8 :40.
43 Theban constitution may be put aside .9 :45.
44 As also Athenian 1.3 1:05.
45 Spartan polity unlike that of Crete .8 :40.
46 Continued 1.3 1:05.
47 Tests of a good polity 1.4 1:10.
48 aims of Lycurgus 1.3 1:05.
49 745-724 & 685-668. 1st & 2nd Messenian wars 1.5 1:15
50 Sparta fails where Rome succeeds .8 :40.
51 Rome fresher than Carthage 1.1 :55.
52 & its citizen levies superior to Carthaginian mercenaries 1.5 1:15.
53 Laudations at funerals 1.8 1:30.
54 Devotion of citizens 1.1 :55.
55 Horatius Cocles .8 :40.
56 Purity of election 1.8 1:30.
57 RECAPITULATION & CONCLUSION 1.6 1:20
58 216. Hannibal offers to put prisoners at Cannae to ransom 2.2 1:50.
1 Capua & Petelia, contrast of their fortunes .5 :25.
2 216. Hieronymus succeeded his grandfather Hiero 2. Under influence of his uncles, Zoippus & Andranodorus, members of Council of established by Hiero, Hieronymus opens communications with Hannibal 1.1 :55.
3 Roman praetor sends to remonstrate. A scene with king 1.5 1:15.
4 treaty with Carthage 1.5 1:15.
5 Romans again remonstrate. Another scene at Council 1.2 1.
6 Description of Leontini, where Hieronymus was murdered .6 :30
7 214. Fall of Hieronymus 1.2 1
8 269 - 215. Character of Hiero 2., King of Syracuse 1.2 1,
9 TREATY BETWEEN HANNIBAL & KING PHILIP V. OF MACEDON 2.9 2:25.
10 Political state of Messene .7 :35.
11 215. Philip V. of Macedon at Messene 1.6 1:20,
12 Deterioration in character of Philip V 1.8 1:30
13 215. Recapitulation of substance of book 7, viz. treacherous dealings of Philip with Messenians 1.5 1:15,
14 Continued 1 :50.
15 216 - 215. Siege of Sardis 1.6 1:20
16 Continued 1.2 1.
17 Town of Sardis entered & sacked 1.5 1:15.
18 Continued 1.2 1.
1 212 & 213 Fall of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus as he was advancing from Lucania to Capua, 212. Treachery of Lucanian Flavius 1.9 1:35
2 Betrayal of Achaeus by Bolis 1 :50
3 215-214. Sardinia reduced by T. Manlius Torquatus,  Marcellus took Leontini 1.3 1:05
4 Continued 1.4 1:10.
5 215-214. Siege of Syracuse 2.6 2:10
6 Sambucae or Harps 1.8 1:30.
7 engines invented by Archimedes 1.5 1:15.
8 Continued 1.1 :55.
9 assault by land repulsed 1.9 1:35.
10 214. Philip’s 2nd devastation of Messene 1.2 1
11 extravagance of Theopompus’s account of Philip 2 1.8 1:30
12 vigorous characters of Diadochi 1.8 1:30.
13 411 Thucydides breaks off 371. Battle of Leuctra 1.5 1:15
14 213. Death of Aratus 1.5 1:15,
15 385. Lissus founded by Dionysius of Syracuse 1.3 1:05
16 Acrolissus taken by a feint, & Lissus afterwards 1.6 1:20.
17 214. Sosibius secures help of Bolis to rescue Achaeus 1.6 1:20.
18 Bolis turns traitor 1.7 1:25.
19 intended treason against Achaeus communicated to Antiochus 1.7 1:25.
20 Continued 1.4 1:10.
21 Achaeus takes vain precautions 1.5 1:15.
22 Achaeus made prisoner 1.9 1:35.
23 citadel of Sardis surrendered 1.5 1:15.
24 Cauarus, king of Gauls, settled on Hellespont .3 :15.
25 212-205. In course of his campaigns for recovering of eastern provinces, Antiochus makes a demonstration before city of Armosata, in Armenia, to recover arrears of tribute owed by late king 1.1 :55
26 212. Hannibal marched south   to renew his attempt upon Tarentum, on which he had wasted much of previous summer. severity of punishment of Tarentine hostages who tried to escape from Rome caused a conspiracy of Tarentines to betray town to Hannibal 2.1 1:45
27 Bargain made with Hannibal 1.6 1:20.
28 Hannibal prepares to act 1.4 1:10.
29 Gaius Livius thrown off scent 1.5 1:15.
30 Why Tarentines bury within walls 1.4 1:10.
31 Philemenus also gets in 1.9 1:35
32 Escape of Livius into Citadel 1.7 1:25.
33 Roman houses sacked, Tarentines spared 1 :50.
34 Fortifications raised to preserve town from attack from citadel 1.1 :55.
35 Further works of security 1.2 1.
36 Hannibal’s arrangements for storming citadel frustrated 2.1 1:45.
37 Method taken by a Roman to estimate height of wall of Syracuse 2.2 1:50.
38 Continued 69W 13:50.
1  212-208. 142nd Olympiad 1 :50,
2 Continued 1.1 :55.
3 211. Coss. Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, P. Sulpicius Galba. Romans were still engaged in siege of Capua. Q. Fulvius & Appius Claudius, Consuls of previous year, were continued in command there, with orders not to leave place till it fell. Hannibal tries to raise siege 1.9 1:35.
4 Carthaginian difficulties. Hannibal determines on creating a diversion by threatening Rome 1.2 1.
5 Hannibal informs Capuans of his purpose. Excitement & activity at Rome. Hannibal starts 1.4 1:10.
6 Terror at Rome. Consular levies fortunately being at Rome enable Romans to make a counter-demonstration. Hannibal devastates Campagna 1.5 1:15.
7 Hannibal starts on his return. passage of Anio. Hannibal turns upon his pursuers 1.6 1:20.
8 362. Rapid march of Epaminondas to Sparta, & back again to Mantinea. A Cretan warns Agesilaus 1.9 1:35.
9 211. Carthaginian fleet invited from Sicily to relieve Tarentum does more harm than good, & departs to joy of people 1.7 1:25
10 212. Syracuse was taken in autumn, “The ornaments of city, statues & pictures were taken to Rome.”  2.2 1:50
11 212. 2 Scipios fall in  .6 :30
12 Continued .8 :40.
13 Points of inherent importance in conduct of a campaign,—time, place, secrecy, code of signals, agents, & method. Things necessary. Silence. 2. Knowledge of capabilities of force in moving. 3. Care in concerting signals. 4. Care in selecting men 1.6 1:20.
14 5. Knowledge of localities.  6. Accurate knowledge of natural phenomena enabling a general to make accurate calculation of time 1.6 1:20.
15 divisions of day;  of night 1.7 1:25.
16 example of Ulysses .6 :30
17 Aratus fails at Cynaetha 1.4 1:10.
18 Cleomenes. May 12. Philip’s attack on Meliteia 1.5 1:15.
19 413. Nicias, Method of judging of length necessary for scaling ladders 1.3 1:05.
20 Continued 1.3 1:05.
21 Sparta & Megalopolis 1.8 1:30.
22 Bias, in Aristot. Eth. 5, 1 1.3 1:05.
23 Examples to contrary. Agathocles 1.2 1.
24 Hannibal mastered by circumstances. His cruelty 1.1 :55.
25 His avarice .8 :40.
26 21Effect of fall of Capua 1.4 1:10
27 210, Agrigentum taken by Marcus Valerius Laevinus, late in year. Treatment of refugees & desperadoes who had collected at Agathyrna in Sicily 1.2 1.
28 2Speech of Chlaeneas, Aetolian, at Sparta. In autumn of  Consul-designate, M. Valerius Laevinus, induced Aetolians, Scopas being their Strategus, to form an alliance with them against Philip. treaty, as588 finally concluded, embraced also Eleans, Lacedaemonians, King Attalus of Pergamum, Thracian King Pleuratus, & Illyrian Scerdilaidas. A mission was sent from Aetolia to persuade Lacedaemonians to join 1.5 1:15.
29 322 Battle of Crannon, ending Lamian war 1.8 1:30,
30 Philip V .9 :45
31 Continued 1.1 :55.
32 Speech of Lyciscus, envoy from Acarnania, which country was to fall to Aetolians by proposed new treaty 1.7 1:25.
33 357-346. Sacred war,  352. Onomarchus killed near gulf of Pagasae 1.7 1:25
34 Alexander’s services to Greece 1.3 1:05.
35 279 1.3 1:05.
36 Continued 1.1 :55.
37 Continued 1.6 1:20.
38 492 1.3 1:05.
39 Herod. 7, 132 1.2 1.
40 Continued .6 :30.
41 209 - 6. In campaigns of Philip, during time that Publius Sulpicius Galba as Proconsul commanded a Roman fleet in Greek waters 1.6 1:20,
42 209. Spring 1.2 1
43 July 26. transport of army of Antiochus in his eastern campaigns .9 :45
44 M. Atilius & Manius Glabrio sent to Alexandria with presents to Ptolemy Philopator & Queen Cleopatra .5 :25
1 209, Coss. Q. Fabius Maximus V. Q. Fulvius Flaccus 4 1.3 1:05.
2 A common mistake as to Scipio’s character 1.9 1:35.
3  218. Scipio’s 1st exploit 1.3 1:05,
4 217. Elected aedile 1.2 1,
5 Continued 1.2 1.
6 210. Speech of Publius Scipio to soldiers in Spain 1.7 1:25,
7 Scipio’s careful inquiries as to state of things in Spain 1.2 1.
8 He determines to attempt New Carthage 1.6 1:20.
9 209. Gaius Laelius proceeds to New Carthage with fleet, Scipio by land 1.1 :55
10 Description of New Carthage 1.5 1:15.
11 Scipio discloses his intention of assaulting New Carthage 1.4 1:10.
12 assault. A sally of defenders. repulsed 1.9 1:35.
13 Difficulties of escalade 1.3 1:05.
14 Towards evening Scipio renews assault on gate, to distract attention from his attack by way of lagoon. Scipio crosses lagoon & gets his men upon wall 2 1:40.
15 city entered & given up to sword. Mago surrenders citadel. Sack of city 1.7 1:25.
16 Roman customs in distribution of booty 1.4 1:10.
17 Scipio’s treatment of prisoners. citizens are dismissed to their homes. skilled slaves are promised their freedom at end of war. Some are drafted into navy 2.2 1:50.
18 Mago is entrusted to Lachus. hostages. women 2 1:40.
209. money. Scipio’s continence. Laelius sent to Rome with news 1.4 1:10.
20 Preparations for an advance 1.2 1.
21 210-209. Euryleon Achaean Strategus 1.5 1:15
22 252. Birth, parentage, & education of Philopoemen, 222. battle of Sallasia 1.9 1:35
23 210-209. Cavalry tactics of Philopoemen 1.2 1
24 Continued 1.1 :55.
25 21Alliance between Aetolians & Rome against Philip, negotiated by Scopas & Dorimachus .6 :30
26 208. King Philip’s conduct at Argos after presiding at Nemean games 1.2 1,
27 Description of Media, & of palace at Ecbatana 1.7 1:25.
28 nature of desert between Media & Parthia. Antiochus prepares to cross it: Arsaces orders wells to be choked 1.4 1:10.
29 Antiochus determines to follow Arsaces into Hyrcania 1.2 1.
30 ascent of Mount Labus 1.8 1:30.
31 battle on summit of Mount Labus 1.7 1:25.
32 208. Coss. M. Claudius Marcellus, T. Quinctius Crispinus. two Consuls were encamped within three miles of each other, between Venusia & Bantia, Hannibal had been at Lacinium in Bruttii, but had advanced into Apulia 1.8 1:30.
33 An incident in attempt of Hannibal to enter Salapia, under cover of a letter sealed by ring of dead Consul Marcus 1 :50
34 209-208. Adhesion of Edeco, prince of Edetani 1.6 1:20
35    209-8. Edeco is followed by other tribes. Andobales & Mandonius abandon Hasdrubal 1.2 1.
36 Continued 1 :50.
37 208, Scipio moves southward to attack Hasdrubal in valley of Baetis 1.6 1:20.
38 Andobales joins Scipio. Hasdrubal changes his position to one of superior strength. Scipio arrives 1.5 1:15.  
39 Scipio successfully assaults Hasdrubal’s position. Hasdrubal retreats, & makes Pyrenees 1.7 1:25.
40 208-207. Scipio’s self-restraint. Scipio occupies position evacuated by Carthaginians 2.2 1:50.  
41 208. King Philip undertakes to aid Achaean league, & other Greek states, against a threatened attack of Aetolians in alliance with Rome 1.5 1:15
42 Continued 1.1 :55.
43 Fire signals 1.3 1:05.
44 improvement introduced by Aeneas Tacticus 1.9 1:35.
45 drawbacks to this method. improved method of Cleoxenus & Democlitus 1.7 1:25.
46 Continued 1.2 1.
47 Continued 1.7 1:25.
48 entrance of Nomad Scythians into Hyrcania 1.1 :55.
49 Battle on river Arius between Antiochus & Bactrians 1.9 1:35
11 207 - 205 34
1 207. Battle of Metaurus,  Coss. C. Claudius Nero, M. Livius Salinator 2 2.6 2:10.
2 Hasdrubal falls in battle 1.7 1:25.
3 Continued .7 :35.
4 207 Speech of legate from Rhodes before assembly of Aetolians at Heraclea at end of summer campaign 1.8 1:30.
5 Continued 1.2 1.
6 Continued 1.3 1:05.
7  207. Attalus eludes Philip. Philip at Thermus .4 :20
8 Defects of Achaean officers .6 :30.
9 Speech of Philopoemen urging reform 1.2 1.
10 208-207. Philipoemen’s own example. War against Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta 1.2 1
11 207. Battle of Mantinea,  road to Tegea 1.2 1.
12 Attack of Machanidas 1.1 :55.
13 Defeat of Achaean right wing 1.2 1.
14 Machanidas pursues fugitives, & thus allows Achaean hoplites to get between him & his quarters 1.3 1:05.
15 fight at dyke 1.3 1:05.
16 Continued 1.2 1.
17 Machanidas, returning from pursuit, is killed while trying to recross dyke 1 :50.
18 Death of Machanidas & capture of Tegea. Achaeans in Laconia 1.5 1:15.
19 218-202 1.6 1:20
20 206. Hasdrubal son of Gesco encamps near Ilipa (or Silpia) in Baetica, Scipio advances into Baetica 1.2 1,
21 Futile attack by Mago .9 :45.
22 Scipio resolves on a general engagement, & alters his disposition so as to make battle depend upon Italians rather than Spaniards 1.9 1:35.
23 Continued 1.2 1.
24 elephants. Romans in mining district of Spain. Scipio’s idea of transferring war to Africa 2.2 1:50.
25 206. Scipio appeases a mutiny in Roman camp, at Sucro 1.6 1:20.
26 Continued .9 :45.
27 Mutiny suppressed & ringleaders executed at New Carthage. Scipio’s speech to mutineers 1.3 1:05.
28 Continued 1.4 1:10.
29 Continued 1.5 1:15.
30 Execution of ringleaders .8 :40
31 Scipio’s address to his soldiers 1 :50.
32 Scipio marches to Ebro, crosses it, & in fourteen days is in presence of enemy. A skirmish 1.3 1:05.
33 206. Decisive victory of Scipio. Scipio returns to Rome in autumn of  1.5 1:15
34 212-205. The answer of Euthydemus (a Magnesian), king of Bactria, to Teleas, envoy of Antiochus.   212-205 Antiochus continues his march into interior of Asia 1.9 1:35.
1 Criticism of Timaeus 48W :18.
2 lotus .8 :40.
3 Misstatements of Timaeus about Libya & Corsica 1.2 1.
4 Reason of his mistake. Swine-keeping in Italy. False criticisms of Timaeus on Theopompus & Ephorus. His false account of October horse. reason of his mistakes a want of care in making inquiries. Nor is he to be trusted even in matters that fell under his own observation. Arethusa 5 4:10.
5 Traditions of colonisation of Locri Epizephyrii agree with account in Aristotle, rather than with that of Timaeus 1.5 1:15
6 trick of Locrians. Locri Epizephyrii colonised by certain slaves who had obtained their freedom, & by some free born women. reason of women of Locris (in Greece) leaving their homes with slaves 3.2 0.
7 Timaeus & Aristotle .9 :45
8 vulgar abuse of Timaeus. 9 0.
9 Timaeus’s account of his investigations in history of colony of Locri .7 :35.
10 Criticism of above statement of Timaeus 1.4 1:10.
11 Timaeus & Olympic registers 1.1 :55.
12 Timaeus condemned out of his own mouth. Timaeus’s attitude towards art of divination. Callisthenes 2.5 0
13 Demochares 1.8 1:30.
14 Continued .8 :40.
15 Agathocles defended against aspersions of Timaeus 1.3 1:05.
16 laws of Zaleucus, & an incident in their working at Locri (for which he legislated 1.6 1:20.
17 333. Callisthenes & battle of Issus 1.1 :55,
18 Continued 1.5 1:15.
19 Continued 1.1 :55.
20 Continued 1.2 1.
21 Continued 1.1 :55.
22 Timaeus’s over-estimate of Timoleon .7 :35.
23 Timaeus’s over-estimate of Timoleon 1 :50.
24 incapacity of Timaeus for forming a judgment .9 :45.
25 413. The brazen bull of Phalaris. Ephorus was fairly acquainted with naval, but not with military tactics. Timaeus’s want of practical knowledge.    405. Timaeus on Sicilian history 13.1 10:55.
26 344. Timoleon’s victory over Carthaginians,  481. Gelo 4.9 0.
27 Herod. 8. Hor. A. P. 180 1.8 1:30.
28 Historians must be practical men. Timaeus on Ephorus 3.3 2:45
1 204. Straitened finances in Aetolia cause a revolution .8 :40
2 Scopas goes to Egypt .7 :35.
3 204 PHILIP’S TREACHEROUS CONDUCT 1.1 :55,
4 Philip employs Heracleides of Tarentum 1 :50.
5 Magna est veritas .8 :40.
6 207-192. NABIS, TYRANT OF SPARTA, Character of Nabis’s tyranny 1.2 1.
7 Nabis’s wife 1.2 1.
8 Beginning of war between Nabis & Achaeans 1 :50.
9 205-204 ANTIOCHUS IN ARABIA .6 :30,
14 203 12
1 203. Cn. Servilius Caepio, C. Servilius Geminus Coss. Livy, 30, proposal of Syphax 2.2 1:50.
2 203. Spring 1.9 1:35
3 Scipio discloses his project 1.2 1.
4 Destruction of camp of Syphax by C. Laelius & Massanissa, & of Hasdrubal 1.6 1:20.
5 Continued 1.8 1:30.
6 Hasdrubal at Anda, Dismay at Carthage. Senate continues resistance 1.7 1:25.
7 Syphax is persuaded by Sophanisba to stand by Carthaginians still 1.3 1:05
8 203. Battle on Great Plains. Roman wings are both victorious. Syphax & Hasdrubal escape 1.8 1:30.
9 A panic at Carthage 1.5 1:15.
10 Scipio recalled to Utica by fear of an attack upon his fleet 1.7 1:25.
11 222-205. PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR, extraordinary influence of women of low character at Alexandria .5 :25.
12 Feeble character of Ptolemy Philopator .8 :40.
1 203. Some transports under Cn. Octavius wrecked in Bay of Carthage, & taken possession of by Carthaginians in spite of truce. Autumn of 2.2 1:50
2 Treacherous attempt on lives of Roman envoys 1.8 1:30.
3 Renewal of hostilities.  Hannibal’s cavalry reinforced by Tychaeus .9 :45.
4 202. Scipio traverses Carthaginian territory, & summons Massanissa to his aid.  Scipio orders Carthaginian envoys to be released 1.7 1:25.
5 Hannibal moves to Zama. Arrival of Massanissa 1.5 1:15.
6 Meeting of Scipio & Hannibal. Hannibal’s speech 1.2 1.
7 Continued 1.4 1:10.
8 Scipio’s reply 1.8 1:30.
9 202. Momentous issues depending on battle of Zama, Scipio’s order of battle 1.3 1:05
10 Scipio’s speech to his men 1.1 :55.
11 Hannibal’s order of battle. Hannibal’s speech to “army of Italy.” 1.7 1:25
12 stampede of elephants. Flight of Carthaginian cavalry 1.2 1.
13 Fight of heavy infantry 1.3 1:05.
14 Final struggle between Hannibal’s reserves, his “army of Italy,” & whole Roman infantry. battle is decided by return of Roman & Numidian cavalry 1.3 1:05
15 Hannibal escapes to Adrumetum 1 :50.
16 Continued 1 :50.
17 Scipio’s answer to envoys from Carthage after Zama, who made extravagant displays of sorrow 1.3 1:05.
18 202-201. Terms imposed on Carthage after battle of Zama 1.1 :55,
19 A scene in Carthaginian assembly. Hannibal persuades them to accept treaty 1.4 1:10.
20 Shameless ambition of Philip & Antiochus 1.4 1:10.
21 intrigues & tyranny of Molpagorus at Cius, in Bithynia 1.3 1:05.
22 202. Capture of Cius by Philip V 1 :50
23 anger of Rhodians at fall of Cius. It causes a breach with Aetolians 1.5 1:15.
24 202-201. Philip engaged in one act of treachery after another,Philip at Thasos 1.4 1:10
25 205. previous career of Sosibius. death of Ptolemy Philopator announced, & Epiphanes crowned. Agathocles propitiates army & gets rid of rivals. debauchery of Agathocles. Tlepolemus, governor of Pelusium, determines to depose Agathocles,   205-204. Agathocles will anticipate him 6.6 5:30.
26 202. A fragment from earlier history of Agathocles. Agathocles pretends a plot of Tlepolemus against king,  Anger of populace & soldiers against Agathocles 2.1 1:45.  
27 Terror of Agathocles. Arrest of Moeragenes 2.4 2.
28 Moeragenes rouses soldiers .9 :45.
29 Agathocles despairs. Oenanthe in temple of Demeter 1.8 1:30
30 A mob assembles 1.3 1:05.
31 Cries for king. Aristomenes. guards insist on surrender of king 1.9 1:35.
32 King conducted to stadium 1.3 1:05.
33 Death of Agathocles, his sister, & Oenanthe 1.5 1:15.
34 contemptible character of Agathocles .9 :45.
35 See 12, 15 1 :50.
36 Continued 1.3 1:05.
37 ANTIOCHUS 56W :18.
1 201. PHILIP V. WAGES WAR WITH ATTALUS, KING OF PERGAMUM, & RHODIANS. Philip’s impious conduct in Asia 1 :50
2 201. GREAT SEA-FIGHT OFF CHIOS BETWEEN PHILIP & ALLIED FLEETS OF ATTALUS & RHODES, Philip failing to take Chios sails off to Samos. Attalus & Theophiliscus follow him 1.3 1:05.
3 Incidents in battle. Loss of Philip’s flagship & admiral. Deinocrates. Dionysodorus 1.7 1:25.
4 skill of Rhodian sailors 1.8 1:30.
5 Further incidents in fight on left wing. Rhodian admiral Theophiliscus mortally wounded 1.3 1:05
6 Attalus intercepted by Philip, & forced to abandon his ship 1.7 1:25.
7 201 Losses in battle .5 :25.
8 Philip vainly pretends that he won battle 1.2 1.
9 Death of Theophiliscus .6 :30.
10 INDECISIVE BATTLE OF CHIOS WAS FOLLOWED BY ANOTHER OFF LADE, IN WHICH PHILIP WAS PARTLY SUCCESSFUL .5 :25.
11 PHILIP’S OPERATIONS IN CARIA, 201. stratagem by which Philip took Prinassus .8 :40.
12 Legends of Iassus & Bargylia 1.4 1:10.
13 202-201. AFFAIRS IN GREECE. tyranny of Nabis .5 :25.
14 DIGRESSION ON MERITS OF HISTORIANS ZENO & ANTISTHENES OF RHODES. necessity of discussing histories of Zeno & Antisthenes. Their description of battle of Lade 1.4 1:10
15 Continued 1 :50.
16 Zeno’s account of attack of Nabis upon Messene .9 :45
17 Continued 1.5 1:15.
18 201. Zeno’s account of battle of Panium between Antiochus Great & Scopas 1.6 1:20
19 Continued 1.4 1:10.
20 Polybius wrote to Zeno on his geographical mistakes 1.3 1:05.
21 Egypt. Character & extravagance of Tlepolemus 1.5 1:15.
22 Tlepolemus suppresses a court intrigue against himself 2.5 0.
23 ITALY. Scipio’s return to Rome & triumph,   201 .9 :45,
24 WAR BETWEEN ROME & PHILIP V. Winter of   201-200. Coss. P. Sulpicius Galba Maximus 2., C. Aurelius Cotta (for   200). & starving state of his army 1.6 1:20
25 200. visit of Attalus to Athens 1.2 1
26 Athenians vote for war against Philip 1.3 1:05.
27 Romans warn Philip to abstain from attacking Greece, & to do justice to Attalus, on pain of war .8 :40
28 firmness & vigour of Philip in meeting danger 1.5 1:15.
29 200. Dardanelles compared with Straits of Gibraltar 1.7 1:25.
30 Siege of Abydos 1.2 1.
31 Desperate resolution of people of Abydos 1.2 1.
32 Comparison of this resolution of Abydenians with similar ones of Phocians & Acarnanians .9 :45.
33 How city was surrendered & women & children saved after all 1 :50.
34 A Roman envoy arrives to warn Philip to desist 1.8 1:30.
35 Rhodians resolve to side with Rome 74W 0.
36 200. PELOPONNESE—WAR WITH NABIS.  Philopoemen’s device for collecting all Achaean levies at Tegea simultaneously 1.3 1:05
37 A raid upon Laconia 1 :50.
38 Continued 28W 0.
39 200. COELE-SYRIA. Antiochus conquers Coele-Syria & Jews after beating Scopas at Panium .5 :25.
17 0
1 Missing.
1 WAR WITH PHILIP. Congress at Nicaea in Locris, winter of  198-197. Coss. Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Sext. Aelius Paetus Catus. Cycliadas expelled for favouring Philip. Roman demand. Peace of Epirus 205 1.7 1:25
2 Demands of Attalus, of Rhodians, of Achaeans .8 :40,
3  Speech of Alexander Isius 1.6 1:20.
4 rejoinder of Philip 1.1 :55.
5 Philip explains peculiar law of Aetolians 1 :50.
6 Philip’s answer to Rhodians & Attalus, & Achaeans 1 :50.
7 A retort of Flamininus 1 :50.
8 2nd day’s conference, Philip comes late. Philip’s final offers 1.4 1:10.
9 Dissatisfaction of Congress. 3rd day’s conference. A reference to Senate agreed on 1.5 1:15.
10 Embassies to Rome 1.3 1:05.
11 Speeches of Greek envoys in Senate 1.7 1:25.
12 197 Coss. G. Cornelius Cethegus, Q. Minucius Rufus .6 :30.
13 Was Aristaenus a traitor or a wise Opportunist? 1.1 :55
14 Comparison of policy of Achaeans & other Peloponnesians towards Philip V. with that recommended by Demosthenes towards Philip 2 2 1:40.
15 True traitor is man who acts with personal objects or from party spirit 2.1 1:45.
16 Attalus in Sicyon, 198 .5 :25.
17 Cruelty of Apega, wife of Nabis. 197. King Attalus before assembled Boeotians .5 :25.
18 197, END OF 1ST MACEDONIAN WAR. at beginning of spring. methods of forming palisades among Greeks & Romans 2.3 1:55.
19 Flamininus marches to Pherae in Thessaly. Thebae Pthiotides. advanced guards of two armies meet 1.3 1:05.
20 Autumn of   197. Both Philip & Flamininus advance towards Scotusa, on opposite sides of a range of hills 1.2 1.
21 Another skirmish between detached parties 1 :50.
22 Philip sends supports. Valour of Aetolian cavalry. Cynoscephalae. Flamininus offers battle, which Philip, against his better judgment, accepts 1.6 1:20.
23 Flamininus addresses his men, & advances to attack. advanced guard are encouraged 1.1 :55.
24 Philip also advances & occupies hills. Philip’s advanced guard defeated 1.5 1:15.
25  The battle. Philip’s right wing repulse Roman left. Successful advance of Roman right 1.3 1:05.
26 Macedonian phalanx outflanked. king quits field & flies 1.7 1:25.
27 Philip retreats to Tempe. Romans soon abandon pursuit & devote themselves to plunder. losses on both sides 1 :50.
28  The Roman defeats in Punic wars were not from inferior tactics, but owing genius of Hannibal 1.7 1:25.
29 Continued 1 :50.
30 Roman more open order compared with phalanx 1.6 1:20
31 Why phalanx fails 1.5 1:15.
32 Flexibility of Roman order 1.7 1:25.
33 Prudent conduct of Philip 1.1 :55.
34 Estrangement of Aetolians. Flamininus grants fifteen days’ truce to Philip 1.2 1.
35 disinterestedness of Romans generally as to money. Lucius Aemilius Paulus. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus Minor 1.9 1:35.
36 197. Congress of Tempe, Speech of King Amynandros. Alexander Aetolian 1.2 1.
37 Reply of Flamininus 1.7 1:25.
38 On 3rd day of conference Philip appears. Aetolians checkmated by Flamininus 1.3 1:05.
39 197. Terms of peace settled. Winter of 1 :50.
40 Foolish credulity .4 :20
41 197. ASIA.  Death of King Attalus, who had fallen ill at Thebes, before battle of Cynoscephalae, & had been brought home to die at Pergamum, autumn 1.7 1:25
42 ITALY: 196. Coss. L. Furius Purpureo, M. Claudius Marcellus. treaty with Philip is confirmed .9 :45.
43 GREECE: 196. Philip allows his Boeotian followers to return home. Zeuxippus & Peisistratus, heads of Romanising party, determine to get rid of Brachylles, Zeuxippus condemned by his own conscience 1.6 1:20
44 Senatus Consultum .7 :35.
45 Objections of Aetolians. commissioners sit at Corinth, & declare all Greek cities free, except Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, & Chalcis 1.9 1:35.
46  196. Isthmian games, July An exciting scene 2.4 2.
47 Answer of commissioners to King Antiochus. Final arrangements 1.4 1:10.
48 Commissioners separate & go to various parts of Greece 1.1 :55.
49 ASIA 31W 0
50 Antiochus in Chersonesus & Thrace,   196. Speech of Lucius Cornelius 1.1 :55.
51 281. Reply of Antiochus. Lysimachus conquered by Seleucus Nicanor 1.2 1
52 Antiochus refuses to acknowledge Romans as arbitrators .5 :25.
53 EGYPT: 196. Death of Scopas 1.4 1:10.
54 Scopas before council. Death of Dicaearchus 1.6 1:20.
55 176. Enormous wealth collected by Scopas. anacleteria of Ptolemy Epiphanes 1.5 1:15
1 195. Lucius Valerius Flaccus .5 :25,
2 194. Publius Cornelius Scipio 2 44W :17.
3 193. L. Cornelius Merula .4 :20
4 192. L. Quintius Flamininus .8 :40,
5 191. P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica .3 0
1 GREECE:  192. Antiochus Great at a meeting of Aetolians at Lamia, autumn of 47W :17
2 Continued 25W :6.
3 192-191 Antiochus passes winter of at Chalcis. Visit of envoys from Epirus & Elis .8 :40.
4 371-36245.  Decline of Boeotia 1 :50
5 222. Demetrius 2. 239-229. rise of house of Neon 1.8 1:30.
6 239. Disorganised state of Boeotia. Antigonus Gonatas, ob.   227-221. Cleomenic war  1.7 1:25
7 192. Antiochus received in Thebes .6 :30
8 192-19Antiochus wintering in Chalcis .5 :25,
9 191 Heracleia Trachinia taken by Acilius after battle of Thermopylae 1.4 1:10,
10 Aetolian embassy to Acilius. Roman terms. Aetolians fail to ratify peace 2.3 1:55
11 Fate of Nicander 1.4 1:10.
12 Spartans wish to offer Philopoemen palace of Nabis as a reward, & as an inducement to defend their liberty 1.7 1:25
21 190 - 188 48
1 190. Embassy from Sparta, & answer of Roman Senate .4 :20.
2 Continued .4 :20.
3 Supplicatio for victory off Phocaea. Answer to Aetolian Envoys sent, on intercession of Flamininus, when Acilius was about to take Naupactus .6 :30
4 Spring of  190. Coss. L. Cornelius Scipio, C. Laelius. Aetolian envoys visit consuls 1.8 1:30.
5 A six months’ truce with Aetolians 1.5 1:15.
6 190. A party at Phocaea wish to join Antiochus .9 :45
7 Rhodian firing apparatus. Pausistratus beaten by Polyxenidas, admiral of king .8 :40
8 Aetolian truce announced to Eumenes & Antiochus 63W 0.
9 Achaean contingent sent to war .5 :25
10 Antiochus proposes peace with Rome, Eumenes, & Rhodes. Eumenes opposes peace, on grounds of honour & prudence 1.7 1:25.
11 Prusias, King of Bithynia. Letter of Scipios to Prusias. On its voyage from Samos to Teos Roman fleet sight some pirate vessels 2 1:40.
12 Battle between fleets of Rome & Antiochus 55W 0.
13 Antiochus despairs of resistance, & sends an envoy to Scipios to treat of peace. laws relating to Salii or priests of Mars 1.8 1:30.
14 Speech of Heracleides 1.1 :55.
15 Secret offers of Antiochus to Publius Scipio. Scipio’s reply 1.4 1:10.
16 190. Antiochus sent Scipio’s son back. decisive battle took place in neighbourhood of Thyatira, & proved a decisive victory for Romans. This was in late autumn of  1.1 :55
17 Roman terms imposed on Antiochus. terms are accepted, & missions sent to Rome 1.2 1
18 189. Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior. Reception of king Eumenes & ambassadors at Rome 1.4 1:10.
19 Speech of Eumenes 1.6 1:20.
20 Continued 1.3 1:05.
21 Continued 1.3 1:05.
22 Legates from Smyrna. Speech of Rhodians 2.1 1:45.
23 Continued 1.4 1:10.
24 189. Treaty with Antiochus confirmed. Settlement of Asia, Soli in Cilicia 2.2 1:50.
25 Summer of 190. Late autumn of   190. Spring of   189 1.5 1:15.
26 M. Fulvius Nobilior at Apollonia 2.3 1:55.
27 Siege of Ambracia, & gallant resistance of Aetolians 1.3 1:05.
28 Romans begin mining operations. Counter-mines by besieged. Romans smoked out 2.5 1:05
29 Intercession of Athens, Rhodes, & king Amynandrus 1.7 1:25.
30 Terms granted to Aetolians 1.5 1:15
31 Speech of Damis 1.8 1:30.
32 189. Treaty with Aetolia,   192 1.9 1:35.
33 WAR WITH GAULS OF ASIA 57W :18
34 189; Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior,  Moagĕtes reduced to submission 1.5 1:15.
35 Pacification of Pamphylia .7 :35.
36 Conquest of Pisidia .4 :20.
37 Cnaeus Manlius in Galatia 1.2 1.
38 Vengeance of Chiomara, wife of Gallic chief Ortiago 1 :50.
39 Gauls try to take Cnaeus Manlius by a stratagem, but are foiled 1.8 1:30
40 CEPHALLENIA. Citadel of Same in Cephallenia taken by a night surprise 37W :11.
41 Philopoemen’s policy towards Sparta .5 :25
42 Missing.
43 189-188  Cnaeus Manlius spends winter at Ephesus, last year of 147th Olympiad, & arranges settlement of Asia 1.8 1:30.
44 188. Faithful officer at Perga. Summer, Roman commissioners arrive in Asia 1.2 1
45 Text of treaty between Antiochus & Rome 2.7 2:15.
46 Burning of Antiochus’s ships at Patara in Lycia .4 :20.
47 Ariarathes V. King of Cappadocia 23W :9.
48  188. Final settlement of affairs of Asia Minor by commissioners 1.6 1:20
1 188-184. 148th Olympiad .9 :45.
2 Missing.
3 187. An appeal to Rome against Philopoemen.  Coss. M. Aemilius Lepidus, C. Flamininus. Renewal of treaty between Achaean league & Ptolemy. accomplishments of Ptolemy Epiphanes 1.2 1
4 Effect of collapse of Antiochus upon Boeotia. Resistance to recall of Zeuxippus 2.2 1:50.
5 Rhodes & Lycians 1.3 1:05.
6 338 EGYPT UNDER PTOLEMY EPIPHANES AFTER DEATH OF ARISTOMENES.  Contrast of conduct of Philip 2. of Macedon to Athens  with that of Ptolemy .6 :30.
7 186-185. Suppression of revolt in Lower Egypt,  Lycopolis in Thebaid .6 :30.
8 186. Origin of last Macedonian war. Abrupolis, a Thracian prince & friend of Romans. Death of Philip V.  179 1.8 1:30
9  185. Complaints lodged against Philip at Rome,  A commission of investigation appointed .8 :40.
10 MEETING OF ACHAEAN LEAGUE PARLIAMENT. Philopoemen Achaean Strategus for two years running, from May   189 to May   187. Aristaenus. May,   187 to May,   186. Seleucus Philopator succeeded his father Antiochus Great,   187. Business of Achaean assembly. Letter from Senate on subject of Philopoemen’s actions at Sparta. offer of Eumenes 1.3 1:05.
11 Answer of Apollonidas. Speech of Cassander of Aegina. present of Eumenes is refused 1.8 1:30.
12 Ptolemy. speech of Lycortas. A mistake discovered. Offer of Seleucus 1.6 1:20.
13 185. Winter 2 1:40.
14 Philopoemen on Archon .6 :30.
15 185-184. Ambassadors from Philip & Achaeans heard on report of Caecilius 1.1 :55
16 Spartan envoys. decision. Defence of refusal to call Achaean assembly 1.5 1:15.
184. Philip’s vengeance on people of Maroneia, He attempts to evade responsibility for it 1.5 1:15.
18 Guilty agents are to be sent to Rome. Another crime. Philip’s hostility to Rome. King Philip meditates a breach with Rome. Sends his son Demetrius there, in hopes of putting off war for a time 2.1 1:45.
19 Disputes in Crete .8 :40.
20 Queen-Dowager, widow of Attalus, & her sons 1 :50.
21 Policy of Ostiagon in Galatia 76W :24.
22 Character of Aristonicus 97W :24.
1 184-180. 149th Olympiad,  183, Coss. M. Claudius Marcellus, Q. Fabius Labeo 1.5 1:15.
2 Demetrius in Senate 1.5 1:15.
3 Ambassadors of Eumenes complain that Philip has not evacuated Thrace. high honour paid to Demetrius at Rome, & its fatal result 1.5 1:15.
4 Four Spartan embassies. Lysis, for men banished by Nabis. 2. Areus & Alcibiades. 3. Serippus. 4. Chaeron, for recent exiles 1.9 1:35.
5 Deinocrates of Messene 2.1 1:45.
6 Continued 59W 0.
7 Popularity of Demetrius in Macedonia. His father’s anger & his brother’s jealousy 1 :50.
8 183. Philip feigns submission to Rome, plain of Hebrus .7 :35.
9 183. After midsummer 182. February 1.9 1:35,
10 Conflict of feelings in Philip’s mind 2.3 1:55.
11 182. Fragment referring to military sham fight in which Perseus & Demetrius quarrelled, Part of a speech of Philip to his 2 sons after quarrel at manœuvres 1.1 :55.
12 Death of Philopoemen, 183, or perhaps early in   182. Philopoemen was murdered by Messenians, who had abandoned league & were at war with it. Character of Philopoemen. He is succeeded by Lycortas as Strategus 1.2 1.
13 183. Character of Hannibal, who poisoned himself at court of Prusias .5 :25,
14 Character of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, whose death Polybius places in this year, but according to Livy wrongly, who assigns it to previous year 1.6 1:20.
15 Continued .5 :25.
16 183-182. Lycortas, successor of Philopoemen, compels Messenians to sue for peace 1.7 1:25,
17 Abia, Thuria, & Pharae make a separate league. Achaean meeting at Sicyon 1.7 1:25.
18 Sparta admitted to league .5 :25.
1 182. Embassies at Rome from Achaeans, Spartan exiles, Eumenes of Pergamus, Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, & Pharnaces, king of Pontus 1 :50
2 Terms granted to Messenians .6 :30.
3 M. Haemus 42W 0
4 182. Crete 78W 0.
5 182-181. End of war between Eumenes & Pharnaces, which former had undertaken to support his father-in-law Ariarathes 1.1 :55.
6 181. Ptolemy Epiphanes sends a present to Achaeans. Lycortas, Polybius, & Aratus sent to return thanks .9 :45,
7 Chaeron’s malversations at Sparta.  Assassination of Apollonides 1.2 1.
8 181-180 Winter. Eumenes enters Cappadocia. Spring of   180. Two Galatian chiefs. Calpitus in Galatia (?). Parnassus, a town on Halys. Mocissus, N. of Halys 1.3 1:05.
9 Roman legates arrive & undertake to negotiate. Negotiation fails. Rhodians engaged in putting down a rising of Lycians 1.7 1:25
10 180. Debate in Achaean assembly on Roman despatch 1.3 1:05.
11 Callicrates, instead of obeying his instructions, denounces his opponents, & persuades Senate that their interference is necessary 2 1:40.
12 180-179. Romans adopt policy of raising a party in Greece against Achaean league 2.2 1:50.
13 Comparison between characters of Philopoemen & Aristaenus .8 :40.
14 View of Aristaenus on right attitude towards Rome .8 :40.
15 Philopoemen’s answer in defence of his policy 1.7 1:25.
1 Gracchus destroyed 300 cities of Celtiberes 11W :03
2  179. Coss. Q. Fulvius, L. Manlius. ex-praetors Ti. Sempronius Gracchus & L. Postumius were still in Spain, where they had been since   182. Renewed war of Eumenes & Ariarathes upon Pharnaces 1.7 1:25.
3 Opening of reign of Perseus. Philip V. in misfortune 1.2 1.
4  177. Coss. C. Claudius Pulcher, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. Embassy from Lycia against Rhodes. Laodice, daughter of Seleucus 4 1.2 1.
5 Excitement at Rhodes; & a fresh determination of Lycians to assert independence .7 :35.
6 Rhodian question deferred. Reports of intrigues of Perseus .6 :30.
1 175-164. Antiochus Epiphanes 1.8 1:30
27 171 - 170 20
1 WAR WITH PERSEUS: 171. Coss. P. Licinius Crassus, C. Cassius Longinus. Roman commissioners at Chalcis: ambassadors from Thespiae & Neon of Boeotia. Thebes 1.5 1:15.
2 171 Cause of exiles’ triumph at Chalcis. Dissolution of Boeotian league,  Commissioners in Peloponnese 1.5 1:15.
3 Rhodians prepare to co-operate with Rome .7 :35.
4 Perseus sends a circular despatch to Greek States. reply of Rhodians 1.2 1.
5 Mission of Perseus to Boeotia. Truce made with Q. Marcius .8 :40
6 War is decided upon at expiration of truce. Attempted assassination of Eumenes at Delphi .6 :30
7 Politics at Rhodes. Romanising party. Macedonian party. Jealousy of Eumenes 3 0.
8 After beating Roman cavalry on Peneus, & obliging Licinius to retire south of river, Perseus endeavours to make terms. Romans are inexorable. Perseus returns to Sicyrium 2 1:40.
9 Effect of success of Perseus upon Greeks. A scene at Olympia 2 1:40.
10 Continued .8 :40.
11 New kind of missile used in army of Perseus .6 :30.
12 Character of Cotys, king of Odrysae, an ally of Perseus 61W 0.
13 A prudent governor of Cyprus .7 :35
14    171-17O. Dispute at Rhodes as to release of Diophanes, envoy of Perseus, captured at Tenedos .5 :25.
15 What induced leading men in Epirus to join Perseus. Charops. Aetolian leaders arrested 2 1:40.
16 170. Coss. A. Hostilius Mancinus, A. Atilius Serranus, Attempt of two Molossian leaders to seize consul .9 :45.
17 Pharnaces, king of Pontus 16W 0.
18 Attalus desires that his brother Eumenes should be restored to honour in Peloponnese .5 :25.
19 Preparations for attack upon Coele-Syria by ministers of Ptolemy Philometor 65W 0.
20 Need of promptness, & of persistency .4 :20.
28 169 23
1 169, Antiochus & Ptolemy both appeal to Rome on subject of Coele-Syria 1.2 1.
2 Rhodians ask for license to import corn .8 :40.
3 169. Aulus Hostilius, in Greece with proconsular authority, sends Popilius & Octavius to visit Greek towns & read decree of Senate. They visit Peloponnese, & express some dissatisfaction at backward policy of certain Achaeans 1.3 1:05.
4 Legates in Aetolia. Various Aetolians accuse each other. Lyciscus. Thoas stoned 1.5 1:15.
5 Acarnania .8 :40.
6 169. Meeting of Achaean statesmen to consider their policy,  Lycortas is for complete neutrality. Apollonides & Stratius for suppressing rash declarations for Rome, & yet not openly opposing her. Strategus Archon is for bending to storm, & acting frankly for Rome. Polybius Hipparch 1.2 1.
7 Embassy from Attalus to Achaeans desiring restoration of honours formally decreed to his brother Eumenes. Speech of Polybius 2.4 2.
8 169, after taking Hyscana in Illyria, Perseus advances to Stubera, & thence sends envoys to king Genthius at Lissus. Genthius temporises. A 2nd mission to Genthius. Perseus goes back to Hyscana in Illyria 1.3 1:05.
9 Genthius being unpersuaded by 2nd mission, Perseus sends 3rd, but still without offering money 2 1:40.
10 Perseus lays blame of his failure on his generals .3 :15
11 testudo .6 :30
12 Achaeans decide to co-operate actively with Romans in Thessaly. Polybius sent to Consul. Ptolemy Physcon celebrates his anacleteria 1.2 1.
13 169. Appius Claudius Cento defeated at Hyscana in  170 2 1:40.
14 Crete. Cydonians attack & take Apollonia near Cnossus .5 :25.
15 Cydonians ask help from Eumenes .3 :15.
16 170-69. Rhodians determine to send a mission to Rome 1.4 1:10,
17 Envoys visit Q. Marcius Philippus at Heracleum. Why do not Rhodians stop war between Antiochus & Ptolemy? They endeavour to make peace between Antiochus Epiphanes & Ptolemy Physcon 2.6 2:10.
18 Character of Antiochus 4 37W 0.
19 169. Comanus & Cineas, Physcon’s ministers, determine to send embassies to Antiochus .9 :45,
20 Greek envoys visit Antiochus & endeavour to make peace. Their arguments. Reply of Antiochus. Antiochus occupies Naucratis & thence advances to Alexandria 1.5 1:15.
21 Evil influence of Eulaeus upon Ptolemy Philometor. He advises him to yield to Antiochus & retire to Samothrace .9 :45.
22 Antiochus leaves Alexandria for a time, being met by some Roman envoys 65W 0.
23 Envoys from Rhodes visit Antiochus in his camp not far from Alexandria .6 :30.
29 168 27
1 bc. 168. Coss. L. Aemilius Paullus, C. Licinius Crassus. A fragment of speech of L. Aemilius before starting for Macedonia .5 :25
2 In answer to an embassy from Ptolemy Physcon & his sister Cleopatra, Senate sends Gaius Popilius Laenas to Alexandria .3 :15
3 Genthius joins Perseus on being supplied with 300 talents; & also consents to join in a mission to Rhodes 1.3 1:05.
4 Perseus meets envoys from Genthius; & sends others to Eumenes & Antiochus 1.5 1:15.
5 intrigues of Perseus & Eumenes .6 :30.
6 Romans become suspicious of Eumenes, & ostentatiously transfer their favour to his brother Attalus 1 :50.
7 168. Origin of intrigue between Eumenes & Perseus was idea of former that, both sides being tired of war, he might intervene with profit to himself 1.1 :55.
8 Bargain attempted between Eumenes & Perseus 1.4 1:10.
9 Reflexions on blindness of avaricious kings 1.7 1:25
10 Rhodians take active steps to form a confederation against Rome, in case their intervention fails .8 :40.
11 168 Manner in which this vote of Rhodians was carried,  .7 :35.
12 Digression on Polybius’s method in writing history, & his avoidance of imaginary details 1.8 1:30.
13 Intemperance & brutality of Genthius .6 :30.
14 Nasica, son-in-law of Scipio Africanus,Nasica, Fabius, & others volunteer to cross mountains into Macedonia by Gytheum .4 :20.
15 Struggle in bed of Enipeus. Romans force heights by way of Gytheum .5 :25.
16 Continued .5 :25.
17 168. Phalanx battle of Pydna .7 :35
18 Scipio Africanus younger 48W 0,
19 Rhodian mission deliver their message too late. Uncompromising answer of Senate 1.5 1:15.
20 Perseus, being brought a prisoner before Aemilius Paulus & his council, refuses to reply to his questions, Paulus addresses king in Greek & then his council in Latin .6 :30
21 Demetrius of Phalerum on mutability 1.3 1:05.
22 Unexpected always happens. Eumenes disappointed of his hope of quiet by a rising in Galatia .8 0.
23 169-168 1.3 1:05.
24 Polybius advocates cause of Ptolemies. Callicrates defeats motion, but at a smaller meeting at Sicyon Polybius prevails 2.4 2.
25 Measure is again defeated by a trick of Callicrates. kings ask for Lycortas & Polybius 1 :50.
26 168. Annoyed by two Ptolemies thus joining each other, Antiochus renews war .4 :20
27 Antiochus is met near Alexandria by C. Popilius Laenas, who forces him to abstain from war. Popilius goes on to Cyprus & forces army of Antiochus to evacuate it. previous defeat of Perseus really secured salvation of Egypt 1.9 1:35.
30 167 - 166 24
1 167. Coss. Q. Aelius Paetus, M. Junius Pennus. Attalus at Rome, is persuaded to try by Roman help to supplant his brother 1.3 1:05.
2 Stratius is sent to dissuade Attalus from his meditated treason 1.3 1:05.
3 Embassy to Galatia .9 :45.
4 167. Fresh embassies from Rhodes, Terror of Rhodian envoys at threat of war. Criticism on speech of Rhodian Astymedes 2.1 1:45.
5 Dismayed by this answer Rhodians endeavour to propitiate Senate. Astuteness of Rhodian policy. Caunus, in Peraea, & Mylassa, in Caria, revolt. Senate declare Caria & Lycia free 2.3 1:55
6 3 classes of men who in various states got into trouble for their conduct during Macedonian war 1.2 1.
7 Antinous, Theodotus, & Cephalus of Molossi are instances of 3rd class. Several instances of 1st class in Achaia Phthiotis, Thessaly, & Perrhaebia. Instances of 2nd class in Rhodes, Cos, & other places 1.4 1:10.
8 Continued 1.1 :55.
9 Vain attempts of Polyaratus to escape, at Phaselis, at Caunus, & at Cibyra 2.8 0.
10 167. Columns constructed at Delphi for statues of Perseus used by Aemilius. Aemilius at Corinth. At Olympia .7 :35.
11 Disturbed state of Aetolia .7 :35,
12 Epirus 65W :21
13 167. Selection of suspected Greeks, especially Achaeans, to be sent to Italy 1.4 1:10,
14 167. Triumph of L. Anicius Gallus over Illyrians at Quirinalia, A scene in a Roman theatre 1.5 1:15.
15 Continued 41W :17.
16 Aemilius in Epirus 38W :16.
17 Release of Menalcidas .3 :15.
18 Cotys, king of Odrysae .5 :25,
19 Abject conduct of king Prusias .9 :45.
20 167-166. To prevent a visit from Eumenes Senate pass a decree forbidding all kings to visit Rome. Eumenes stopped at Brundisium 1.8 1:30.
21 Athenians ask for restoration of Haliartus; failing that, to have its territory, with Delos & Lemnos themselves 1.1 :55.
22 Death of Theaetetus of Rhodes. Caunus & Stratoniceia in Caria .5 :25.
23 Effect of message from Romans in Achaean league.  Unpopularity of Callicrates, Adronidas, & their party .9 :45.
24 Joy of people of Peraea at Roman decree emancipating them from Rhodes .3 :15.
31 165 - 162 28
1 165. War in Crete of Cnosus & Gortyn against Rhaucus. Rhodians are again refused an alliance .7 :35.
2 Autonomy to Galatia on conditions 36W 0.
3 Grand festival held by Antiochus Epiphanes at Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, sacred to Apollo 2.2 1:50.
4 Continued 1.8 1:30.
5 Roman envoys at Antioch. Antiochus affects extreme cordiality .6 :30.
6 164. Complaints against Eumenes at Rome from Prusias of Bithynia, & other parts of Asia. Senate’s policy in Galatia. Failure of mission of Gracchus 1 :50.
7 165. Rhodians appeal against injury done to their trade, Speech of Astymedes. Senate is mollified by this speech & by report of Gracchus, & grants alliance 2.8 0.
8 165. Embassy from Achaia asking for trial or release of Achaean détenus, who to over 1000 had been summoned to Italy in   167 1.6 1:20
9 Reduction of Cammani in Cappadocia .8 0.
10 Mission, Sulpicius Gallus in Asia; he collects facts against Eumenes .6 :30.
11 164. Death of Antiochus Epiphanes on his return from Susiana .6 :30
12 Demetrius, son of Seleucus, & grandson of Antiochus Great, wishes to be restored to kingdom of Syria. A Syrian commission appointed. commissioners are also to visit Galatia, Cappadocia, & Alexandria 1.9 1:35.
13 Mission to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, in regard to encroachments of Gauls 1.2 1.
14 163. Ariarathes Philopator continues his father’s policy of friendship with Rome .6 :30.
15 Rhodians ask for Calynda in Caria, & retention of private property in Caria & Lycia. Colossal statue of Rome .4 :20.
16 Rhodians undertake protection of Calynda .4 :20.
17 Ariarathes’s joy at favourable answer from Rome. He recovers ashes of his mother & sister from Antioch 1.5 1:15.
18 162. Euergetes 2. (Ptolemy Physcon), who had Cyrene as his share, asks for Cyprus. Members of Commission who had been in Egypt support elder brother. Senate decide in favour of Physcon. Object of Senate is to divide & weaken Egypt 1.9 1:35
19 162. Senate pay little attention to Lysias’s excuses. Demetrius thinks there is again a chance for him. Polybius advises, “act for yourself.” however again appeals to Senate, & is again refused 1.6 1:20.
20 Demetrius resolves to escape from Rome, & again consults Polybius. Menyllus of Alabanda (in Caria) helps him by hiring a vessel 1.8 1:30.
21 Preparations for flight. Polybius sends a warning to Demetrius 1.5 1:15.
22 Demetrius takes hint, & voyage is safely begun 1.6 1:20.
23 162. Absence of Demetrius is not ascertained in Rome until 4th day. Senate is summoned, but decides not to attempt pursuit. Commissioners appointed for Greece & Asia 1.3 1:05
24 Cato on growth of luxury .4 :20.
25 162. Rhodians accept money to pay their schoolmasters .7 :35,
26 162. Ptolemy Physcon returning with commissioners, collects mercenaries in Greece, but is persuaded to disband them, He, however, takes about 1000 Cretans back with him to Africa 1 :50.
27 Ptolemy Physcon invades dominions of his brother 1.8 1:30.
28 Roman commission fails to secure peace between brothers .4 :20.
32 161 - 156 28
1 161. Senate break off relations with Ptolemy Philometor, & encourage Ptolemy Physcon in his claim on Cyprus .7 :35.
2 193, Between 2nd & 3rd Punic wars Massanissa constantly encroached on Carthaginian territory. Both sides refer to Rome, & Romans invariably support Massanissa 1.2 1.
3 Further complaints against Eumenes by Prusias & Gauls .3 :15.
4 Demetrius induces Tiberius Gracchus to salute him as king .6 :30.
5 160. Ambassadors from Ariarathes. Attalus again in Rome. Coss. L. Anicius Gallus. M. Cornelius Cethegus .7 :35.
6 Reception of ambassadors of Demetrius. Previous career of Isocrates. His conduct in Syria .9 :45.
7 160. Boldness of Leptines. Extraordinary conduct of Isocrates. Senate decide to keep question of murder open. Fruitless embassy from Achaia on behalf of Polybius & other Achaean detenus 2.2 1:50
8 Small property left by Aemilius Paulus at his death is a proof of his disinterestedness. Polybius has fear of Roman critics before his eyes 1.5 1:15.
9 Origin of friendship between Scipio Aemilianus & Polybius. Young Scipio opens his heart to Polybius 1.5 1:15.
10 185. Scipio Aemilianus, b. Polybius is somewhat alarmed at responsibility 1.5 1:15.
11 Scipio's high character for continence as a young man. deterioration in Roman morals & its causes 1.2 1.
12 Scipio’s liberality to his mother 1.5 1:15.
13 Scipio’s liberality to his cousins, sisters to his adoptive father 1.8 1:30.
14 160. liberality of Scipio to his brother & sisters 1.8 1:30
15 Scipio’s physical strength & courage were confirmed by exercise of hunting in Macedonia, & his taste continued after his return to Rome, & was encouraged by Polybius 1.7 1:25.
16 Scipio’s subsequent success, therefore, was natural result of his early conduct, & not offspring of chance .5 :25.
17 Delians having been allowed to leave their island with “all their property,” found many occasions of legal disputes with Athenians, to whom island was granted. They remove to Achaia, & sue Athenians under Achaean convention. Roman decision against Athens .8 :40.
18 158. Piracies of Dalmatians on island of Issa .5 :25,
19 Death of Lyciscus .5 :25.
20 157. Death of Charops, tyranny of Charops in Epirus after battle of Pydna, 168-157. He extorts money from rich under threat of exile 1.7 1:25.
21 People of Phoenice terrified or cajoled into supporting him. Charops goes to Rome, but is forbidden by leading nobles to enter their houses, & repudiated by Senate. He suppresses reply of Senate 1.2 1.
22 159. Death & character of Eumenes, He raised his kingdom to 1st rank; was exceedingly bountiful; & was loyally served by 4 brothers. Attalus restores Ariarathes 1 :50.
23 157. Fannius & his colleagues roughly treated by Dalmatians,  Senate decide on declaring war with Dalmatians. 168-157 1.2 1.
24 157. Coss. Sext. Julius Caesar, L. Aurelius Orestes 1 :50.
25 Evil rule of Orophernes 1.2 1.
26 156. Coss L. Cornelius Lentulus, C. Marcius Figulus 2 .3 :15.
27 Prusias, king of Bithynia, attacks Attalus of Pergamum. Elaea on Casius, port of Pergamum 1.6 1:20.
28 Attalus sends his brother to Rome. Prusias had sent his son Nicomedes & some ambassadors to represent his case at Rome. Senate send fresh commissioners to investigate .7 :35.
33 155 - 152 20
1 155. Roman legate Publius Lentulus, & Athenaeus, brother of Attalus, reach Rome & declare truth .Another embassy in behalf of Achaean detenus. It fails by action of praetor, who, by putting question simply “yes” or “no” for release, forced party who were for postponing it to vote “no.” 1.1 :55
2 Missing.

3 Achaeans are encouraged to try again 63W 0.

4 Aristocrates proves a failure in war with Crete .4 :20.
5 Continued .4 :20.
6 Honesty of people of Priene (in Caria) in preserving money deposited by Orophernes 1.1 :55.
7 155. Ligurians harass Marseilles & besiege Antibes & Nice .5 :25.
8 154. Coss. Q. Opimius, L. Postumius Albinus. Ptolemy Physcon charges his brother with inciting a plot against his life. Senate refuses to hear ambassadors of Ptolemy Philometor, & send commissioners to restore Physcon to Cyprus .8 :40.
9 Prusias having refused obedience to former commission, a new commission is sent out with peremptory orders .5 :25.
10 154. Ligurians prevent commissioners from landing, & wound Flaminius who had already landed, & drive him to his ship. War ordered with Oxybii & Deciatae 1 :50
11 154-153. Opimius orders his soldiers to join at Placentia, & marches into Gaul, takes Aegitna, & defeats Oxybii & Deciatae. Opimius winters in Gaul 1.6 1:20
12 154. Commissioners visit Attalus & Prusias. Prusias will not yield till too late. Romans promote a combination against Prusias 1.1 :55.
13 154. Attalus’s brother Athenaeus harasses coast of Prusias’s kingdom .9 :45.
14 153. Another fruitless embassy from Achaia 29W 0.
15 Heracleides brings to Rome Laodice, daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, & his supposed son Alexander Balas. quarrel of Rhodes & Crete .4 :20.
16 Achaeans decline to help either Rhodes or Crete , although inclined to support Rhodes 1 :50
17 Continued .8 :40.
18 152. Visit of young Attalus, son of late king Eumenes. Demetrius, son of Ariarathes 6. Laodice & Alexander Balas. Senate’s decree in favour of Alexander & Laodice 1.6 1:20.
19 Demetrius’s intemperance 39W 0.
20 Continued .4 :20.
34 152 14
1 GEOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS: Polybius devoted one book of his history to a separate treatise on geography of continents 52W 0.
2 Homer true to nature 1.7 1:25.
3 Fishing for sword-fish. Island of Meninx, off lesser Syrtis 1.4 1:10.
4 Continued 1.2 1.
5 Cadiz to Don 1.3 1:05.
6 Continued 1.5 1:15.
7 Polybius’s fivefold division of European peninsulas, as opposed to threefold division of Eratosthenes 1.1 :55.
8 Continued .9 :45.
9 Tribes in Baetica. A tidal spring at Gades. Process of producing silver in mines near New Carthage. Guadiana & Guadalquivir 1.7 1:25
10 River Aude. Tech& Ruscino or Tet. Mistake of Timaeus as to Rhone. Loire between Poitou & Nantes. Coiron. Britain is quite unknown to southern Gauls. Elk. A gold mine near Aquileia . 4 passes of Alps,— Cornice, Argentière, Genèvre (Val d’Aosta), Cenis. Lago Maggiore 2.5 0.
11 Capuan wine. Bay of Naples. Eastern coast-road from S. to N. of Italy. Lacinian promontory. Craters in volcanic Holy Island one of Lipari group 1.7 1:25.
12 Via Egnatia. Peloponnesus. From C. Malea to Danube .8 :40.
13 Country between Euphrates & India 19W 0.
14 State of Alexandria .7 :35.
36 149 8
1 3RD PUNIC WAR: Dramatic representation of debates though convenient is not history 1 :50.
2 Romans were careful to have a fair pretext for war 1.1 :55.
3 149. Utica puts itself under protection of Rome. Carthaginian plenipotentiaries at Rome 1.3 1:05.
4 What is implied by their surrender. Senate regrant their liberty & territory to Carthaginians, on condition of giving 300 hostages, & obeying certain orders not yet expressed 1.5 1:15.
5 Speech of Mago Brettius. Hostages sent to Lilybaeum .8 :40.
6 149. Consuls, L. Marcius Censorinus, M’. Manilius, land in Africa. They demand total disarming of Carthaginians 1.2 1.
7 Return of envoys with last orders from Consuls. Popular fury 2.4 2.
8 Hamilcar Phameas, Commander of Punic cavalry. Appian, Pun. 100. Polybius’s personal knowledge of Scipio 1.3 1:05.
38 147 - 146 11
1 147. Siege of Carthage,  Coss. P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, C. Livius Drusus. Interview between Hasdrubal & King Gulussa 2 1:40.
2 147. Scipio’s scorn of proposal, He offers Hasdrubal personal security for delivering town. Selfish & tyrannical conduct of Hasdrubal. Comparison between Hasdrubal & Diaeus 2.2 1:50.
3 Ill-luck which occasioned fall of Greece. Fall of Greece was even more lamentable than that of Carthage 1.3 1:05.
4 480. Comparison between fall of Greece under Romans with Persian invasion, defeat of Athenians at Aegospotami, 405, of Spartans at Leuctra, 371. Destruction of Mantinea,  362, & of Thebes, 335 1.7 1:25.
5 Tyranny of later kings of Macedonia. But last fall of Greece was embittered by fact that it came from folly of Greeks themselves rather than of their leaders 1.6 1:20.
6 Continued 3.3 2:45.
7 147, Report of L. Aurelius Orestes of disturbance at Corinth,  Senate send a fresh commission to warn Achaeans 1.3 1:05
8 Arrival of Sextus Julius & commissioners in Achaia. Envoys are conciliatory. Action of Diaeus & Critolaus & their party 1.8 1:30.
9 147-146. Conference at Tegea. Critolaus contrives to avoid a settlement. Winter of  Critolaus propagates his anti-Roman views; & suspends cash payments 1.5 1:15.
10 147-146. Fresh legates are sent from Macedonia to Achaia in winter of Riotous scene at Corinth. Critolaus makes no secret of his hostility to Rome 1.5 1:15.
11 Critolaus carries his point, & induces Achaeans to proclaim war against Lacedaemonians. Roman envoys retire from Corinth 1.5 1:15.
39 146 - 145 19
1 Defence of historian’s method of parallel histories of several countries, each kept up to date 1.3 1:05.
2 Continued 1.5 1:15.
3 146 Fall of Carthage, (spring). Scipio within walls of Carthage .4 :20.
4 Continued 1.8 1:30.
5 Continued 1.1 :55.
6 Continued 1.1 :55.
7 Character of Boeotarch Pytheas 60W 0.
8 146 Death of Critolaus Diaeus succeeds as Strategus. He orders arming of 10,000 slaves, a special contribution by rich, a general levy of free men of military age 1.6 1:20.
9 Eleians & Messenians do not move. Dismay at Patrae. Distracted state of Greece. Thebes abandoned 2.1 1:45.
10 146, Diaeus at Corinth rejects all offers sent by Metellus, August,because he & his party do not believe that they will ever be amnestied with rest 1.3 1:05.
11 Cruel death of Sosicrates. Greece is saved by rapidity of her ruin 1.7 1:25.
12 146. Character of Aulus Postumius Albinus. Coss. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, L. Mummius 2.2 1:50.
146. Destruction of works of art in Corinth, September .3 :15,
14 Statues of Philopoemen. Speech of Polybius defending memory of Philopoemen 1.7 1:25.
15 Polybius will have no confiscated goods .6 :30.
16 145. Commissioners return in spring, leaving instructions with Polybius to explain new constitutions. Note by a friend of Polybius as to effect of his careful fulfilment of his commission .9 :45.
17 Mummius acted in Greece with clean hands & great moderation .6 :30.
18 Death of Ptolemy Philometor in a war in Syria in support of Demetrius younger against Alexander Balas .6 :30
19 CONCLUSION OF HISTORY 1.6 1:20.
 
1
1 - 1  219-167. Introduction. importance & magnitude of subject.

Had previous chroniclers neglected to speak in praise of History in general, it might perhaps have been necessary for me to recommend everyone to choose for study and welcome such treatises as the present, since men have no more ready corrective of conduct than knowledge of the past. But all historians, one may say without exception, and in no half-hearted manner, but making this the beginning and end of their labour, have impressed on us that the soundest education and training for a life of active politics is the study of History, and that surest and indeed the only method of learning how to bear bravely the vicissitudes of fortune, is to recall the calamities of others. Evidently therefore no one, and least of all myself, would think it his duty at this day to repeat what has been so well and so often said. For the very element of unexpectedness in the events I have chosen as my theme will be sufficient to challenge and incite everyone, young and old alike, to peruse my systematic history. For who is so worthless or indolent as not to wish to know by what means and under what system of polity the Romans in less than fifty-three years have succeeded in subjecting nearly the whole inhabited world to their sole government—a thing unique in history? Or who again is there so passionately devoted to other spectacles or studies as to regard anything as of greater moment than the acquisition of this knowledge?

 
1 - 405-394. Immensity of Roman Empire shown by comparison with Persia, Sparta, Macedonia. Persia. 2. Sparta. 3. Macedonia.

How striking and grand is the spectacle presented by the period with which I purpose to deal, will be most clearly apparent if we set beside and compare with the Roman dominion the most famous empires of the past, those which have formed the chief theme of historians. Those worthy of being thus set beside it and compared are these. The Persians for a certain period possessed a great rule and dominion, but so often as they ventured to overstep the boundaries of Asia they imperilled not only the security of this empire, but their own existence. The Lacedaemonians, after having for many years disputed the hegemony of Greece, at length attained it but to hold it uncontested for scarce twelve years. The Macedonian rule in Europe extended but from the Adriatic region to the Danube, which would appear a quite insignificant portion of the continent. Subsequently, by overthrowing the Persian empire they became supreme in Asia also. But though their empire was now regarded as the greatest geographically and politically that had ever existed, they left the larger part of the uninhabited world as yet outside it. For they never even made a single attempt to dispute possession of Sicily, Sardinia, or Libya, and the most warlike nations of Western Europe were, to speak the simple truth, unknown to them. But the Romans have subjected to their rule not portions, but nearly the whole of the world and possess an empire which is not only immeasurably greater than any which preceded it, but need not fear rivalry in the future. In the course of this work it will become more clearly intelligible by what steps this power was acquired, and it will also be seen how many and how great advantages accrue to the student from the systematic treatment of history.

 
1 - 220-217. History starts from 140th Olympiad, when tendency towards unity 1st shows itself. sketch of their previous history necessary to explain success of Romans.

The date from which I propose to begin my history is the 140th Olympiad 220-2B.C., and the events are the following:

  1. in Greece the so-called Social War, the first waged against the Aetolians by the Achaeans in league with and under the leadership of Philip of Macedon, the son of Demetrius and father of Perseus,
  2. in Asia the war for Coele-Syria between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator,
  3. in Italy, Libya, and the adjacent regions, the war between Rome and Carthage, usually known as the Hannibalic War.

These events immediately succeed those related at the end of the work of Aratus of Sicyon. Previously the doings of the world had been, so to say, dispersed, as they were held together by no unity of initiative, results, or locality; but ever since this date history has been an organic whole, and the affairs of Italy and Libya have been interlinked with those of Greece and Asia, all leading up to one end. And this is my reason for beginning their systematic history from that date. For it was owing to their defeat of the Carthaginians in the Hannibalic War that the Romans, feeling that the chief and most essential step in their scheme of universal aggression had now been taken, were first emboldened to reach out their hands to grasp the rest and to cross with an army to Greece and the continent of Asia.

Now were we Greeks well acquainted with the two states which disputed the empire of the world, it would not perhaps have been necessary for me to deal at all with their previous history, or to narrate what purpose guided them, and on what sources of strength they relied, in entering upon such a vast undertaking. But as neither the former power nor the earlier history of Rome and Carthage is familiar to most of us Greeks, I thought it necessary to prefix this Book and the next to the actual history, in order that no one after becoming engrossed in the narrative proper may find himself at a loss, and ask by what counsel and trusting to what power and resources the Romans embarked on that enterprise which has made them lords over land and sea in our part of the world; but that from these Books and the preliminary sketch in them, it may be clear to readers that they had quite adequate grounds for conceiving the ambition of a world-empire and adequate means for achieving their purpose.

 
1 - 4 Need of a comprehensive view of history as well as a close study of an epoch.

For what gives my work its peculiar quality, and what is most remarkable in the present age, is this. Fortune has guided almost all the affairs of the world in one direction and has forced them to incline towards one and the same end; a historian should likewise bring before his readers under one synoptical view the operations by which she has accomplished her general purpose. Indeed it was this chiefly that invited and encouraged me to undertake my task; and secondarily the fact that none of my contemporaries have undertaken to write a general history, in which case I should have been much less eager to take this in hand. As it is, I observe that while several modern writers deal with particular wars and certain matters connected with them, no one, as far as I am aware, has even attempted to inquire critically when and whence the general and comprehensive scheme of events originated and how it led up to the end. I therefore thought it quite necessary not to leave unnoticed or allow to pass into oblivion this the finest and most beneficent of the performances of Fortune. For though she is ever producing something new and ever playing a part in the lives of men, she has not in a single instance ever accomplished such a work, ever achieved such a triumph, as in our own times. We can no more hope to perceive this from histories dealing with particular events than to get at once a notion of the form of the whole world, its disposition and order, by visiting, each in turn, the most famous cities, or indeed by looking at separate plans of each: a result by no means likely. He indeed who believes that by studying isolated histories he can acquire a fairly just view of history as a whole, is, as it seems to me, much in the case of one, who, after having looked at the dissevered limbs of an animal once alive and beautiful, fancies he had been as good as an eyewitness of the creature itself in all its action and grace. For could anyone put the creature together on the spot, restoring its form and the comeliness of life, and then show it to the same man, I think he would quickly avow that he was formerly very far away from the truth and more like one in a dream. For we can get some idea of a whole from a part, but never knowledge or exact opinion. Special histories therefore contribute very little to the knowledge of the whole and conviction of its truth. It is only indeed by study of the interconnexion of all the particulars, their resemblances and differences, that we are enabled at least to make a general survey, and thus derive both benefit and pleasure from history.

 
1 - 264-261. I begin my preliminary account in 129th Olympiad, & with circumstances which took Romans to Sicily.

I shall adopt as the starting point of this Book the first occasion on which the Romans crossed the sea from Italy. This follows immediately on the close of Timaeus’ History and took place in the 129th Olympiad 264-261 B.C.. Thus we must first state how and when the Romans established their position in Italy, and what prompted them afterwards to cross to Sicily, the first country outside Italy where they set foot. The actual cause of their crossing must be stated without comment; for if I were to seek the cause of the cause and so on, my whole work would have no clear starting-point and principle. The starting-point must be an era generally agreed upon and recognized, and one self-apparent from the events, even if this involves my going back a little in point of date and giving a summary of intervening occurrences. For if there is any ignorance or indeed any dispute as to what are the facts from which the work opens, it is impossible that what follows should meet with acceptance or credence; but once we produce in our readers a general agreement on this point they will give ear to all the subsequent narrative.

 
1 - 6  387-386. Rise of Roman dominion may be traced from retirement of Gauls from city. From that time one nation after another in Italy fell into their hands. Latini. Etruscans, Gauls, & Samnites. Pyrrhus,   280. Southern Italy. Pyrrhus finally quits Italy,   274.

It was, therefore, the nineteenth year after the battle of Aegospotami and the sixteenth before that of Leuctra, the year in which the Spartans ratified the peace known as that of Antalcidas with the King of Persia, that in which also Dionysius the Elder, after defeating the Italiot Greeks in the battle at the river Elleporos, was besieging Rhegium, and that in which the Gauls, after taking Rome itself by assault, occupied the whole of that city except the Capitol. The Romans, after making a truce on conditions satisfactory to the Gauls and being thus contrary to their expectation reinstated in their home and as it were now started on the road of aggrandizement, continued in the following years to wage war on their neighbours. After subduing all the Latins by their valour and the fortune of war, they fought first against the Etruscans, then against the Celts, and next against the Samnites, whose territory was conterminous with that of the Latins on the East and North. After some time the Tarentines, fearing the consequences of their insolence to the Roman envoys, begged for the intervention of Pyrrhus. (This was in the year preceding the expedition of those Gauls who met with the reverse at Delphi and then crossed to Asia.) The Romans had ere this reduced the Etruscans and Samnites and had vanquished the Italian Celts in many battles, and they now for the first time attacked the rest of Italy not as if it were a foreign country, but as if it rightfully belonged to them. Their struggle with the Samnites and Celts had made them veritable masters in the art of war, and after bravely supporting this war with Pyrrhus and finally expelling himself and his army from Italy, they continued to fight with and subdue those who had sided with him. When, with extraordinary good fortune, they had reduced all these peoples and had made all the inhabitants of Italy their subjects excepting the Celts, they undertook the siege of Rhegium now held by certain of their compatriots.

 
1 - 7  289. Story of Mamertines at Messene, & Roman garrison at Rhegium, Dio. Cassius fr. Messene. Agathocles died,  2. Rhegium, Livy Ep. 12. Pyrrhus in Sicily,   278-275. 27C. Quintus Claudius, L. Genucius Clepsina, Coss.

For very much the same fortune had befallen the two cities on the Straits, Messene and Rhegium. Certain Campanians serving under Agathocles had long cast covetous eyes on the beauty and prosperity of Messene; and not long before the events I am speaking of they availed themselves of the first opportunity to capture it by treachery. After being admitted as friends and occupying the city, they first expelled or massacred the citizens and then took possession of the wives and families of the dispossessed victims, just as chance assigned them each at the time of the outrage. They next divided among themselves the land and all other property. Having thus possessed themselves so quickly and easily of a fine city and territory, they were not long in finding imitators of their exploit. For the people of Rhegium, when Pyrrhus crossed to Italy, dreading an attack by him and fearing also the Carthaginians who commanded the sea, begged from the Romans a garrison and support. The force which came, four thousand in number and under the command of Decius, a Campanian, kept the city and their faith for some time, but at length, anxious to rival the Mamertines and with their co-operation, played the people of Rhegium false, and eagerly coveting a city so favourably situated and containing so much private wealth, expelled or massacred the citizens and possessed themselves of the city in the same manner as the Campanians had done. The Romans were highly displeased, yet could do nothing at the time, as they were occupied with the wars I have already mentioned. But when they had a free hand they shut up the culprits in the city and proceeded to lay siege to it as I have stated above. When Rhegium fell, most of the besieged were slain in the actual assault, having defended themselves desperately, as they knew what awaited them, but more than three hundred were captured. When they were sent to Rome the Consuls had them all conducted to the forum and there, according to the Roman custom, scourged and beheaded; their object being to recover as far as possible by this punishment their reputation for good faith with the allies. The city and territory of Rhegium they at once restored to the citizens.

 
1 - 8  275-274. Effect of fall of rebellious garrison of Rhegium on Mamertines. rise of Hiero. He is elected General by army, 

The Mamertines (for this was the name adopted by the Campanians after their seizure of Messene) as long as they enjoyed the alliance of the Romans together with the Campanians who had occupied Rhegium, not only remained in secure possession of their own city and territory but caused no little trouble to the Carthaginians and Syracusans about the adjacent territories, levying tribute from many parts of Sicily. When, however, they were deprived of this support, the captors of Rhegium being now closely invested, they were at once in their turn driven to take refuge in their city by the Syracusans owing to the following causes. Not many years before the Syracusan army had quarrelled with those in the city. They were then posted near Mergane and appointed two magistrates chosen from their own body, Artemidorus and Hiero, who was subsequently king of Syracuse. He was still quite young but because of his royal descent qualified to be a ruler and statesman of a kind. Having accepted the command, he gained admittance to the city through certain relatives, and after overpowering the opposite party, administered affairs with such mildness and magnanimity that the Syracusans, though by no means inclined to approve camp elections, on this occasion unanimously accepted him as their general. From his first measures it was evident at once to all capable of judging that his ambition was not limited to military command.

 
1 - 9    268. Secures support of Leptines by marrying his daughter. His device for getting rid of mutinous mercenaries. Fiume Salso. Hiero next attacks Mamertines & defeats them near Mylae,

For observing that the Syracusans, every time they dispatch their forces on an expedition accompanied by their supreme magistrates, begin quarrelling among themselves and introducing continual changes, and knowing that Leptines had a wider circle of dependants and enjoyed more credit than any other burgher and had an especially high name among the common people, he allied himself with him by marriage, so that whenever he had to take the field himself he might leave him behind as a sort of reserve force. He married, then, the daughter of this Leptines, and finding that the veteran mercenaries were disaffected and turbulent, he marched out in force professedly against the foreigners who had occupied Messene. He met the enemy near Centuripa and offered battle near the river Cyamosorus. He held back the citizen cavalry and infantry at a distance under his personal command as if he meant to attack on another side, but advancing the mercenaries he allowed them all to be cut up by the Campanians. During their rout he himself retired safely to Syracuse with the citizens. Having thus efficiently accompanied his purpose and purged the army of its turbulent and seditious element, he himself enlisted a considerable number of mercenaries and henceforth continued to rule in safety. Observing that the Mamertines, owing to their success, were behaving in a bold and reckless manner, he efficiently armed and trained the urban levies and leading them out engaged the enemy in the Mylaean plain near the river Longanus, and inflicted a severe defeat on them, capturing their leaders. This put an end to the audacity of the Mamertines, and on his return to Syracuse he was with one voice proclaimed king by all the allies.

 
1 - 10  Some of conquered Mamertines appeal to Rome for help. motives of Romans in acceding to this prayer,—jealousy of growing power of Carthage.

The Mamertines had previously, as I above narrated, lost their support from Rhegium and had now suffered complete disaster at home for the reasons I have just stated. Some of them appealed to the Carthaginians, proposing to put themselves and the citadel into their hands, while others sent an embassy to Rome, offering to surrender the city and begging for assistance as a kindred people. The Romans were long at a loss, the succour demanded being so obviously unjustifiable. For they had just inflicted on their own fellow-citizens the highest penalty for their treachery to the people of Rhegium, and now to try to help the Mamertines, who had been guilty of like offence not only at Messene but at Rhegium also, was a piece of injustice very difficult to excuse. But fully aware as they were of this, they yet saw that the Carthaginians had not only reduced Libya to subjection, but a great part of Spain besides, and that they were also in possession of all the islands in the Sardinian and Tyrrhenian Seas. They were therefore in great apprehension lest, if they also became masters of Sicily, they would be most troublesome and dangerous neighbours, hemming them in on all sides and threatening every part of Italy. That they would soon be supreme in Sicily, if the Mamertines were not helped, was evident; for once Messene had fallen into their hands, they would shortly subdue Syracuse also, as they were absolute lords of almost all the rest of Sicily. The Romans, foreseeing this and viewing it as a necessity for themselves not to abandon Messene and thus allow the Carthaginians as it were to build a bridge for crossing over to Italy, debated the matter for long,

 
1 - 11 264. Senate shirk responsibility of decision. people vote for helping Mamertines. Appius Claudius Caudex. M. Fulvius Flaccus, Coss. Hiero joins Carthage in laying siege to Mamertines in Messene. Appius comes to relief of besieged,  After vain attempts at negotiation, Appius determines to attack Hiero. Hiero is defeated, & returns to Syracuse.

and, even at the end, the Senate did not sanction the proposal for the reason given above, considering that the objection on the score of inconsistency was equal in weight to the advantage to be derived from intervention. The commons, however, worn out as they were by the recent wars and in need of any and every kind of restorative, listened readily to the military commanders, who, besides giving the reasons above stated for the general advantageousness of the war, pointed out the great benefit in the way of plunder which each and every one would evidently derive from it. They were therefore in favour of sending help; and when the measure had been passed by the people they appointed to the command one of the Consuls, Appius Claudius, who was ordered to cross to Messene. The Mamertines, partly by menace and partly by stratagem, dislodged the Carthaginian commander, who was already established in the citadel, and then invited Appius to enter, placing the city in his hands. The Carthaginians crucified their general, thinking him guilty of a lack both of judgement and of courage in abandoning their citadel. Acting for themselves they stationed their fleet in the neighbourhood of Cape Pelorias, and with their land forces pressed Messene close in the direction of Sunes. Hiero now, thinking that present circumstances were favourable for expelling from Sicily entirely the foreigners who occupied Messene, made an alliance with the Carthaginians, and quitting Syracuse with his army marched towards that city. Pitching his camp near the Chalcidian mountain on the side opposite to the Carthaginians he cut off this means of exit from the city as well. Appius, the Roman consul, at the same time succeeded at great risk in crossing the Straits by night and entering the city. Finding that the enemy had strictly invested Messene on all sides and regarding it as both inglorious and perilous for himself to be besieged, as they commanded both land and sea, he at first tried to negotiate with both, desiring to deliver the Mamertines from the war. But when neither paid any attention to him, he decided perforce to risk an engagement and in the first place to attack the Syracusans. Leading out his forces he drew them up in order of battle, the king of Syracuse readily accepting the challenge. After a prolonged struggle Appius was victorious and drove the whole hostile force back to their camp. After despoiling the dead he returned to Messene. Hiero, divining the final issue of the whole conflict, retreated in haste after nightfall to Syracuse.

 
1 - 12  Encouraged by this success, he attacks & drives off Carthaginians. Such preliminary sketches are necessary for clearness, & my readers must not be surprised if I follow same system in case of other towns.

On the following day Appius, learning of the result of this action and encouraged thereby, decided not to delay but to attack the Carthaginians. He ordered his troops to be in readiness early and sallied forth at break of day. Engaging the enemy he slew many of them and compelled the rest to retreat in disorder to neighbouring cities. Having raised the siege by these successes, he advanced fearlessly, devastating the territory of the Syracusans and of their allies, no one disputing the open country with him. Finally he sat down before Syracuse and commenced to besiege it.

Such then was the occasion and motive of this the first crossing of the Romans from Italy with an armed force, an event which I take to be the most natural starting-point of this whole work. I have therefore made it my serious base, but went also somewhat further back in order to leave no possible obscurity in my statements of general causes. To follow out this previous history—how and when the Romans after the disaster to Rome itself began their progress to better fortunes, and again how and when after conquering Italy they entered on the path of foreign enterprise—seemed to me necessary for anyone who hopes to gain a proper general survey of their present supremacy. My readers need not therefore be surprised if, even in the further course of my work, I occasionally give in addition some of the earlier history of the most famous states; for I shall do so in order to establish such a fundamental view as will make it clear in the sequel starting from what origins and how and when they severally reached their present position. This is exactly what I have just done about the Romans.

 
1 - 13 Subjects of two 1st books of Histories.
264-241. War in Sicily or 1st Punic War, 
2. 240-237. Mercenary or “inexpiable” war, 
3. 241-218. Carthaginian movements in Spain, 
4. 229-228. Illyrian war, 
5. 225-221. Gallic war, 
6. 227-221. Cleomenic war,  1st Punic war deserves more detailed treatment, as furnishing a better basis for comparing Rome & Carthage than subsequent wars.

Enough of such explanations. It is now time to come to my subject after a brief summary of the events included in these introductory Books. To take them in order we have first the incidents of the war between Rome and Carthage for Sicily. Next follows the war in Libya and next the achievements of the Carthaginians under Hamilcar and after under Hasdrubal. At the same time occurred the first crossing of the Romans to Illyria and these parts of Europe, and subsequently to the preceding events their struggle with the Italian Celts. Contemporary with this the so-called Cleomenic war was proceeding in Greece, and with this war I wind up my Introduction as a whole and my second Book.

Now to recount all these events in detail is neither incumbent on me nor would it be useful to my readers; for it is not my purpose to write their history but to mention them summarily as introductory to the events which are my real theme. I shall therefore attempt by such summary treatment of them in their proper order to fit in the end of the Introduction to the beginning of the actual History. Thus there will be no break in the narrative and it will be seen that I have been justified in touching on events which have been previously narrated by others, while this arrangement will render the approach to what follows intelligible and easy for students. I shall, however, attempt to narrate somewhat more carefully the first war between Rome and Carthage for the possession of Sicily; since it is not easy to name any war which lasted longer, nor one which exhibited on both sides more extensive preparations, more unintermittent activity, more battles, and greater changes of fortune. The two states were also at this period still uncorrupted in morals, moderate in fortune, and equal in strength, so that a better estimate of the peculiar qualities and gifts of each can be formed by comparing their conduct in this war than in any subsequent one.

 
1 - 14 This is rendered more necessary by partisan misrepresentations of Philinus & Fabius Pictor.

An equally powerful motive for me for paying particular attention to this war is that, to my mind, the truth has not been adequately stated by those historians who are reputed to be the best authorities on it, Philinus and Fabius. I do not indeed accuse them of intentional falsehood, in view of their character and principles, but they seem to me to have been much in the case of lovers; for owing to his convictions and constant partiality Philinus will have it that the Carthaginians in every case acted wisely, well, and bravely, and the Romans otherwise, whilst Fabius takes the precisely opposite view. In other relations of life we should not perhaps exclude all such favouritism; for a good man should love his friends and his country, he should share the hatreds and attachments of his friends; but he who assumes the character of a historian must ignore everything of the sort, and often, if their actions demand this, speak good of his enemies and honour them with the highest praises while criticizing and even reproaching roundly his closest friends, should the errors of their conduct impose this duty on him. For just as a living creature which has lost its eyesight is wholly incapacitated, so if History is stripped of her truth all that is left is but an idle tale. We should therefore not shrink from accusing our friends or praising our enemies; nor need we be shy of sometimes praising and sometimes blaming the same people, since it is neither possible nor is it probable that they should be always mistaken. We must therefore disregard the actors in our narrative and apply to the actions such terms and such criticism as they deserve.

 
1 - 15 Philinus’s misrepresentations.

The truth of what I have just said is evident from what follows. Philinus, in commencing his narrative at the outset of his second Book, tells us that the Carthaginians and Syracusans were besieging Messene, that the Romans reaching the city by sea, at once marched out against the Syracusans, but after being severely handled returned to Messene. They next sailed out against the Carthaginians and were not only worsted but lost a considerable number of prisoners. After making these statements he says that Hiero after the engagement so far lost his wits as not only to burn his camp and tents and take flight to Syracuse the same night, but to withdraw all his garrisons from the forts which menaced the territory of Messene. The Carthaginians, likewise he tells us, after the battle at once quitted their camp and distributed themselves among the towns, not even daring to dispute the open country further: their leaders, he says, seeing how dispirited the ranks were, resolved not to risk a decisive engagement, and the Romans following up the enemy not only laid waste the territory of the Carthaginians and the Syracusans, but sat down before Syracuse and undertook its siege. This account is, it seems to me, full of inconsistencies and does not require a lengthy discussion. For those whom he introduced as besieging Messene and victorious in the engagements, he now represents as in flight and abandoning the open country and finally besieged and dispirited, while those whom he represented as defeated and besieged are now stated to be in pursuit of their foes, and at once commanding the open country and finally besieging Syracuse. It is absolutely impossible to reconcile the two assertions, and either his initial statements or his account of what followed must be false. But the latter is true; for as a fact the Carthaginians and the Syracusans abandoned the open country, and the Romans at once began to lay siege to Syracuse and, as he says, even to Echetla too, which lies between the Syracusan and Carthaginian provinces. We must therefore concede that Philinus’s initial statements are false, and that, while the Romans were victorious in the engagements before Messene, this author announces that they were worsted.

We can trace indeed the same fault throughout the whole work of Philinus and alike through that of Fabius, as I shall show when the occasion arises. Now that I have said what is fitting on the subject of this digression, I will return to facts and attempt in a narrative that strictly follows the order of events to guide my readers by a short road to a true notion of this war.

 
1 - 16  264. (Continuing from chap. xii.),   263, Manius Valerius Maximus, Manius Otacilius Crassus, Coss. Consuls with four legions are sent to Sicily. A general move of Sicilian cities to join them. Hiero submits.

When news of the successes of Appius and his legions reached Rome, they elected Manius Otacilius and Manius Valerius Consuls, and dispatched their whole armed force and both commanders to Sicily. The Romans have four legions of Roman citizens in all apart from the allies. These they enrol annually, each legion comprising four thousand foot and three hundred horse. On their arrival in Sicily most of the cities revolted from the Carthaginians and Syracusans and joined the Romans. Hiero, observing both the confusion and consternation of the Sicilians, and at the same time the numbers and the powerful nature of the Roman forces, reached from all this the conclusion that the prospects of the Romans were more brilliant than those of the Carthaginians. His conviction therefore impelling him to side with the Romans, he sent several messages to the Consuls with proposals for peace and alliance. The Romans accepted his overtures, especially for the sake of their supplies; for since the Carthaginians commanded the sea they were apprehensive lest they should be cut off on all sides from the necessities of life, in view of the fact that the armies which had previously crossed to Sicily had run very short of provisions. Therefore, supposing that Hiero would be of great service to them in this respect, they readily accepted his friendly advances. Having made a treaty by which the king bound himself to give up his prisoners to the Romans without ransom, and in addition to this to pay them a hundred talents, the Romans henceforth treated the Syracusans as allies and friends. King Hiero having placed himself under the protection of the Romans, continued to furnish them with the resources of which they stood in urgent need, and ruled over Syracuse henceforth in security, treating the Greeks in such a way as to win from their crowns and other honours. We may, indeed, regard him as the most illustrious of princes and the one who reaped the longest fruits of his own wisdom in particular cases and in general policy.

 
1 - 17  262. Carthaginians alarmed at Hiero’s defection make great efforts to increase their army in Sicily. They select Agrigentum as their headquarters. new Consuls, Lucius Postumius Megellus & Quintus Mamilius Vitulus, determined to lay siege to Agrigentum. Carthaginians make an unsuccessful sally.

When the terms of the treaty were referred to Rome, and when the people had accepted and ratified this agreement with Hiero, the Romans decided not to continue to employ all their forces in the expedition, but only two legions, thinking on the one hand that, now the king had joined them, the war had become a lighter task and calculating that their forces would be better off for supplies. The Carthaginians, on the contrary, when they saw that Hiero had become their enemy, and that the Romans were becoming more deeply involved in the enterprise in Sicily, considered that they themselves required stronger forces in order to be able to confront their enemies and control Sicilian affairs. They therefore enlisted foreign mercenaries from the opposite coasts, many of them Ligurians, Celts, and still more Iberians, and dispatched them all to Sicily. Perceiving that the city of Agrigentum had the greatest natural advantages for making their preparations, it being also the most important city in their province, they collected their troops and supplies there and decided to use it as a base in the war.

Meanwhile the Roman Consuls who had made the treaty with Hiero had left, and their successors, Lucius Postumius and Quintus Mamilius, had arrived in Sicily with their legions. On taking note of the plan of the Carthaginians, and their activity at Agrigentum, they decided on a bolder initiative. Abandoning therefore other operations they brought all their forces to bear on Agrigentum itself, and encamping at a distance of eight stades from the city, shut the Carthaginians up within the walls. It was the height of the harvest, and as a long siege was foreseen, the soldiers began gathering corn with more venturesomeness than was advisable. The Carthaginians, observing that the enemy were dispersed about the country, made a sortie and attacked the foragers. Having easily put these to flight, some of them pressed on to plunder the fortified camp while others advanced on the covering force. But on this occasion and often on previous ones it is the excellence of their institutions which has saved the situation for the Romans; for with them death is the penalty incurred by a man who deserts the post or takes flight in any way from such a supporting force. Therefore on this occasion as on others they gallantly faced opposites who largely outnumbered them, and, though they suffered heavy loss, killed still more of the enemy. Finally surrounding them as they were on the point of tearing up the palisade, they dispatched some on the spot and pressing hard on the rest pursued them with slaughter to the city.

 
1 - 18 Romans form two strongly-entrenched camps. A relief comes from Carthage to Agrigentum. Hanno seizes Herbesus. Romans faithfully supported by Hiero.
After this the Carthaginians were more inclined to be cautious in taking the offensive, while the Romans were more on their guard in foraging. As the Carthaginians did not advance beyond skirmishing range, the Roman generals divided their force into two bodies, remaining with one near the temple of Asclepius outside the walls and encamping with the other on that side of the city that is turned towards Heraclea. They fortified the ground between their camps on each side of the city, protecting themselves by the inner trench from sallies from within and encircling themselves with an outer one to guard against attacks from outside, and to prevent that secret introduction of supplies and men which is usual in the case of beleaguered cities. On the spaces between the trenches and their camps they placed pickets, fortifying suitable places at some distance from each other. Their supplies and other material were collected for them by all the other members of the alliance, and brought to Herbesus, and they themselves constantly fetching in live stock and provisions from this city which was at no great distance, kept themselves abundantly supplied with what they required. So for five months or so matters were at a standstill, neither side being able to score any decisive advantage, nothing in fact beyond incidental success in their exchange of shots; but when the Carthaginians began to be pressed by famine owing to the number of people cooped up in the city—fifty thousand at least in number—Hannibal, the commander of the besieged forces, found himself in a difficult situation and sent constant messages to Carthage explaining his position and begging for reinforcements. The Carthaginian government shipped the troops they had collected and their elephants and sent them to Sicily to Hanno their other general. Hanno concentrated his troops and material of war at Heraclea and in the first place surprised and occupied Herbesus, cutting off the enemy’s camps from their provisions and necessary supplies. The result of this was that the Romans were as a fact both besieged and besiegers at the same time; for they were so hard pressed by want of food and scarcity of the necessities of life, that they often contemplated raising the siege, and would in the end have done so, had not Hiero, by using every effort and every device, provided them with a moderate amount of strictly necessary supplies.
 
1 - 19 Hanno tempts Roman cavalry out & defeats them. After two months, Hanno is forced to try to relieve Agrigentum, Hannibal escapes by night; & Romans enter & plunder Agrigentum.
In the next place Hanno, perceiving that the Romans were weakened by disease and privation, owing to an epidemic having broken out among them, and thinking that his own troops were in fit fighting condition, took with him all his elephants, about fifty in number, and all the rest of his force, and advanced rapidly from Heraclea. He had ordered the Numidian horse to precede him, and approaching the enemy’s fortified camp to provoke him and attempt to draw his cavalry out, after which they were to give way and retire until they rejoined himself. The Numidians acting on these orders advanced up to one of the camps, and the Roman cavalry at once issued forth and boldly attacked them. The Libyans retreated as they had been ordered until they joined Hanno’s army and then, wheeling round and encircling the enemy, they attacked them, killing many and pursuing the rest as far as the camp. After this Hanno encamped opposite the Romans, occupying the hill called Torus, at a distance of about ten stades from the enemy. For two months they remained stationary, without any action more decisive than shooting at each other every day: but as Hannibal kept on announcing to Hanno by fire-signals and messengers from the city that the population could not support the famine, and that deserters to the enemy were numerous owing to privation, the Carthaginian general decided to risk battle, the Romans being no less eager for this owing to the reasons I stated above. Both therefore led out their forces to the space between the camps and engaged. The battle lasted for long, but at the end the Romans put to flight the advanced line of Carthaginian mercenaries, and as the latter fell back on the elephants and the other divisions in their rear, the whole Phoenician army was thrown into disorder. A complete rout ensued, and most of them were put to the sword, some escaping to Heraclea. The Romans captured most of the elephants and all the baggage. But after nightfall, while the Romans, partly from joy at their success and partly from fatigue, had relaxed the vigilance of their watch, Hannibal, regarding his situation as desperate, and thinking for the above reasons that this was a fine opportunity for saving himself, broke out of the city about midnight with his mercenaries. By filling up the trenches with baskets packed tightly with straw he managed to withdraw his force in safety unperceived by the enemy. When day broke the Romans became aware of what had happened, and, after slightly molesting Hannibal’s rear-guard, advanced with their whole force to the gates. Finding nobody to oppose them they entered the city and plundered it, possessing themselves of many slaves and a quantity of booty of every description.
 
1 - 20 261 This success inspires Senate with idea of expelling Carthaginians from Sicily. Romans boldly determine to build ships & meet Carthaginians at sea. A Carthaginian ship used as a model

When the news of what had occurred at Agrigentum reached the Roman Senate, in their joy and elation they no longer confined themselves to their original designs and were no longer satisfied with having saved the Mamertines and with what they had gained in the war itself, but, hoping that it would be possible to drive the Carthaginians entirely out of the island and that if this were done their own power would be much augmented, they directed their attention to this project and to plans that would serve their purpose. As regards their land force at least they noted that all progressed satisfactorily; for the Consuls appointed after those who had reduced Agrigentum, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Titus Otacilius Crassus, seemed to be managing Sicilian affairs as well as possible; but as the Carthaginians maintained without any trouble the command of the sea, the fortunes of the war continued to hang in the balance. For in the period that followed, now that Agrigentum was in their hands, while many inland cities joined the Romans from dread of their land forces, still more seaboard cities deserted their cause in terror of the Carthaginian fleet. Hence when they saw that the balance of the war tended more and more to shift to this side of that for the above reasons, and that while Italy was frequently ravaged by naval forces, Libya remained entirely free from damage, they took urgent steps to get on the sea like the Carthaginians. And one of the reasons which induced me to narrate the history of the war named above at some length is just this, that my readers should, in this case too, not be kept in ignorance of the beginning—how, when, and for what reasons the Romans first took to the sea.

When they saw that the war was dragging on, they undertook for the first time to build ships, a hundred quinqueremes and twenty triremes. As their shipwrights were absolutely inexperienced in building quinqueremes, such ships never having been in use in Italy, the matter caused them much difficulty, and this fact shows us better than anything else how spirited and daring the Romans are when they are determined to do a thing. It was not that they had fairly good resources for it, but they had none whatever, nor had they ever given a thought to the sea; yet when they once had conceived the project, they took it in hand so boldly, that before gaining any experience in the matter they at once engaged the Carthaginians who had held for generations undisputed command of the sea. Evidence of the truth of what I am saying and of their incredible pluck is this. When they first undertook to send their forces across to Messene not only had they not any decked ships, but no long warships at all, not even a single boat, and borrowing fifty-oared boats and triremes from the Tarentines and Locrians, and also from the people of Elea and Naples they took their troops across in these at great hazard. On this occasion the Carthaginians put to sea to attack them as they were crossing the straits, and one of their decked ships advanced too far in its eagerness to overtake them and running aground fell into the hands of the Romans. This ship they now used as a model, and built their whole fleet on its pattern; so that it is evident that if this had not occurred they would have been entirely prevented from carrying out their design by lack of practical knowledge.

 
1 - 21 260.Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina, C. Duilius, Coss. Cornelius captured with loss of his ships. rest of Roman fleet arrive & nearly capture Hannibal b
Now, however, those to whom the construction of ships was committed were busy in getting them ready, and those who had collected the crews were teaching them to row on shore in the following fashion. Making the men sit on rowers’ benches on dry land, in the same order as on the benches of the ships themselves, they accustomed them to fall back all at once bringing their hands up to them, and again to come forward pushing out their hands, and to begin and finish these movements at the word of command of the fugle-man. When the crews had been trained, they launched the ships as soon as they were completed, and having practised for a brief time actual rowing at sea, they sailed along the coast of Italy as their commander had ordered. For the Consul appointed by the Romans to the command of their naval force, Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, had a few days previously given orders to the captains to sail in the direction of the Straits whenever the fleet was ready, while he himself, putting to sea with seventeen ships, preceded them to Messene, being anxious to provide for all the urgent needs of the fleet. While there a proposal happened to be made to him with regard to the city of Liparia, and embracing the prospect with undue eagerness he sailed with the above-mentioned ships and anchored off the town. The Carthaginian general Hannibal, hearing at Panormus what had happened, sent of Boödes, a member of the Senate, giving him twenty ships. Boödes sailed up to Liparia at night and shut up Gnaeus in the harbour. When day dawned the Roman crews hastily took refuge on land, and Gnaeus, falling into a state of terror and being unable to do anything, finally surrendered to the enemy. The Carthaginians now set off at once to rejoin Hannibal with the captured ships and commander of the enemy. But a few days later, though Gnaeus’ disaster was so signal and recent, Hannibal himself came very near falling into the same error with his eyes open. For hearing that the Roman fleet which was sailing along the coast of Italy was near at hand, and wishing to get a glimpse of the numbers and general disposition of the enemy, he sailed towards them with fifty ships. As he was rounding the Cape of Italy he came upon the enemy sailing in good order and trim. He lost most of his ships and escaped himself with the remainder, which was more than he expected or hoped.
 
1 - 22 “corvi” or "crows” for boarding
After this the Romans approached the coast of Sicily and learning of the disasters that had befallen Gnaeus, at once communicated with Gaius Duilius, the commander of the land forces, and awaiting his arrival. At the same time, hearing that the enemy’s fleet was not far distant, they began to get ready for sea-battle. As their ships were ill-built and slow in their movements, someone suggested to them as a help in fighting the engines which afterwards came to be called “ravens”. They were constructed as follows: On the prow stood a round pole four fathoms in height and three palms in diameter. This pole had a pulley at the summit and round it was put a gangway made of cross planks attached by nails, four feet in width and six fathoms in length. In this gangway was an oblong hole, and it went round the pole at a distance of two fathoms from its near end. The gangway also had a railing on each of its long sides as high as a man’s knee. At its extremity was fastened an iron object like a pestle pointed at one end and with a ring at the other end, so that the whole looked like the machine for pounding corn. To this ring was attached a rope with which, when the ship charged an enemy, they raised the ravens by means of the pulley on the pole and let them down on the enemy’s deck, sometimes from the prow and sometimes bringing them round when the ships collided broadsides. Once the ravens were fixed in the planks of the enemy’s deck and grappled the ships together, if they were broadside on, they boarded from all directions but if they charged with the prow, they attacked by passing over the gangway of the raven itself two abreast. The leading pair protected the front by holding up their shields, and those who followed secured the two flanks by resting the rims of their shields on the top of the railing. Having, then, adopted this device, they awaited an opportunity for going into action.
 
1 - 23  260. Victory of Duilius at Mylae, 
As for Gaius Duilius, no sooner had he learnt of the disaster which had befallen the commander of the naval forces than handing over his legions to the military tribunes he proceeded to the fleet. Learning that the enemy were ravaging the territory of Mylae, he sailed against them with his whole force. The Carthaginians on sighting him put to sea with a hundred and thirty sail, quite overjoyed and eager, as they despised the inexperience of the Romans. They all sailed straight on the enemy, not even thinking it worth while to maintain order in the attack, but just as if they were falling on a prey that was obviously theirs. They were commanded by Hannibal—the same who stole out of Agrigentum by night with his army—in the seven-banked galley that was formerly King Pyrrhus’. On approaching and seeing the ravens nodding aloft on the prow of each ship, the Carthaginians were at first nonplussed, being surprised at the construction of the engines. However, as they entirely gave the enemy up for lost, the front ships attacked daringly. But when the ships that came into collision were in every case held fast by the machines, and the Roman crews boarded by means of the ravens and attacked them hand to hand on deck, some of the Carthaginians were cut down and others surrendered from dismay at what was happening, the battle having become just like a fight on land. So the first thirty ships that engaged were taken with all their crews, including the commander’s galley, Hannibal himself managing to escape beyond his hopes by a miracle in the jolly-boat. The rest of the Carthaginian force was bearing up as if to charge the enemy, but seeing, as they approached, the fate of the advanced ships they turned aside and avoided the blows of the engines. Trusting in their swiftness, they veered round the enemy in the hope of being able to strike him in safety either on the broadside or on the stern, but when the ravens swung round and plunged down in all directions and in all manner of ways so that those who approached them were of necessity grappled, they finally gave way and took to flight, terror-stricken by this novel experience and with the loss of fifty ships.
 
1 - 24 259 - 8. Further operations in Sicily. Segesta & Macella. Hamilcar. Hannibal in Sardinia. Coss. A. Atilius Calatinus, G. Sulpicius, Paterculus. Hippana & Myttistratum. Camarina.

When the Romans had thus, contrary to all expectation, gained the prospect of success at sea their determination to prosecute the war became twice as strong. On this occasion they put in on the coast of Sicily, raised the siege of Segesta which was in the last stage of distress, and in leaving Segesta took the city of Macella by assault.

After the battle at sea Hamilcar, the Carthaginian commander of their land forces, who was quartered in the neighbourhood of Panormus, heard that in the Roman camp the allies and the Romans were at variance as to which had most distinguished themselves in the battles, and that the allies were encamped by themselves between the Paropus and the Hot Springs of Himera. Suddenly falling on them with his whole force as they were breaking up their camp he killed about four thousand. After this action Hannibal with the ships that escaped sailed away to Carthage and shortly after crossed from there to Sardinia, taking with him additional ships and some of the most celebrated naval officers. Not long afterwards he was blockaded in one of the harbours of Sardinia by the Romans and after losing many of his ships was summarily arrested by the surviving Carthaginians and crucified. The Romans, I should explain, from the moment they concerned themselves with the sea, began to entertain designs on Sardinia.

The Roman troops in Sicily did nothing worthy of note during the following year; but at its close when they had received their new commanders the Consuls of next year, Aulus Atilius and Gaius Sulpicius, they started to attack Panormus, because the Carthaginian forces were wintering there. The Consuls, when they got close up to the city, offered battle with their whole forces, but as the enemy did not come out to meet them they left Panormus and went off to attack Hippana. This city they took by assault and they also took Myttistratum which withstood the siege for long owing to its strong situation. They then occupied Camarina which had lately deserted their cause, bringing up a siege battery and making a breach in the wall. They similarly took Enna and several other small places belonging to the Carthaginians, and when they had finished with these operations they undertook the siege of Lipara.

 
1 - 25  257 - 6. Coss. C. Atilius Regulus, Cn. Cornelius, Blasio 2.  Fighting off Tyndaris. Coss. L. Manlius, Vulso Longus, M. Atilius Regulus 2. (Suff.)

Next year Gaius Atilius Regulus the Roman Consul, while anchored off Tyndaris, caught sight of the Carthaginian fleet sailing past in disorder. Ordering his crews to follow the leaders, he dashed out before the rest with ten ships sailing together. The Carthaginians, observing that some of the enemy were still embarking, and some just getting under weigh, while those in the van had much outstripped the others, turned and met them. Surrounding them they sunk the rest of the ten, and came very near to taking the admiral’s ship with its crew. However, as it was well manned and swift, it foiled their expectation and got out of danger. The rest of the Roman fleet sailed up and gradually got into close order. As soon as they faced the enemy, they bore down on them and took ten ships with their crews, sinking eight. The rest of the Carthaginian fleet withdrew to the islands known as Liparaean.

The result of this battle was that both sides thought they had fought now on equal terms, and both threw themselves most thoroughly into the task of organizing naval forces and disputing the command of the sea, while in the mean time the land forces accomplished nothing worthy of mention, but spent their time in minor operations of no significance. The Romans, therefore, after making preparations as I said, for the coming summer, set to sea with a fleet of three hundred and fifty decked ships of war and put in to Messene. Starting again from there they sailed with Sicily on their right hand, and doubling Cape Pachynus they came round to Ecnomus, because their land forces too happened to be just in that neighbourhood. The Carthaginians, setting sail with three hundred and fifty decked vessels, touched at Lilybaeum, and proceeding thence came to anchor off Heraclea Minoa.

 
1 - 26 Preparations for Battle of Ecnomus. Roman forces. 330 ships, with average of 420 men (300 rowers + 120 marines) = 138,600 men. Carthaginian numbers, 150,000 men. Roman order at Ecnomus.

The plan of the Romans was to sail to Libya and deflect the war to that country, so that the Carthaginians might find no longer Sicily but themselves and their own territory in danger. The Carthaginians were resolved on just the opposite course, for, aware as they were that Africa is easily accessible, and that all the people in the country would be easily subdued by anyone who had once invaded it, they were unable to allow this, and were anxious to run the risk of a sea-battle. The object of the one side being to prevent and that of the other to force a crossing, it was clear that their rival aims would result in the struggle which followed. The Romans had made suitable preparations for both contingencies—for an action at sea and for a landing in the enemy’s country. For the latter purpose, selecting the best men from their land forces, they divided into four corps the total force they were about to embark. Each corps had two names; it was called either the First Legion or the First Squadron, and the others accordingly. The fourth had a third name in addition; they were called triarii after the usage in the land forces. The whole body embarked on the ships numbered about a hundred and forty thousand, each ship holding three hundred rowers and a hundred and twenty marines. The Carthaginians were chiefly or solely adapting their preparations to a maritime war, their numbers being, to reckon by the number of ships, actually above one hundred and fifty thousand. These are figures calculated to strike not only one present and with the forces under his eyes but ever a hearer with amazement at the magnitude of the struggle and at that lavish outlay and vast power of the two states, if he estimates them from the number of men and ships.

The Romans taking into consideration that the voyage was across the open sea and that the enemy were their superiors in speed, tried by every means to range their fleet in an order which would render it secure and difficult to attack. Accordingly, they stationed their two six-banked galleys, on which the commanders, Marcus Atilius Regulus and Lucius Manlius, were sailing, in front and side by side with each other. Behind each of these they placed ships in single file, the first squadron behind the one galley, the second behind the other, so arranging them that the distance between each pair of ships in the two squadrons grew ever greater. The ships were stationed in column with their prows directed outwards. Having thus arranged the first and second squadrons in the form of a simple wedge, they stationed the third in a single line at the base, so that when these ships had taken their places the resulting form of the whole was a triangle. Behind these ships at the base they stationed the fourth squadron, known as triarii, making a single long line of ships so extended that the line overlapped that in front of it at each extremity. When all had been put together in the manner I have described, the whole arrangement had the form of a wedge, the apex of which was open, the base compact, and the whole effective and practical, while also difficult to break up.

 
1 - 27 Disposition of Carthaginian fleet. battle.
About the same time the Carthaginian commanders briefly addressed their forces. They pointed out to them that in the event of victory in the battle they would be fighting afterwards for Sicily, but that if defeated they would have to fight for their own country and their homes, and bade them take this to heart and embark. When all readily did as they were ordered, as their general’s words had made clear to them the issues at stake, they set to sea in a confident and menacing spirit. The commanders when they saw the enemy’s order adapted their own to it. Three-quarters of their force they drew up in a single line, extending their right wind to the open sea for the purpose of encircling the enemy and with all their ships facing the Romans. The remaining quarter of their force formed the left wing of their whole line, and reached shoreward at angle with the rest. Their right wing was under the command of the same Hanno who had been worsted in the engagement near Agrigentum. He had vessels for charging and also the swiftest quinqueremes for the outflanking movement. The left wing was in charge of Hamilcar, the one who commanded in the sea-battle at Tyndaris, and he, fighting as he was in the centre of the line, used in the fray the following stratagem. The battle was begun by the Romans who, noticing that the Carthaginian line was thin owing to its great extent, delivered an attack on the centre. The Carthaginian centre had received Hamilcar’s orders to fall back at once with the view of breaking the order of the Romans, and, as they hastily retreated, the Romans pursued them vigorously. While the first and second squadrons thus pressed on the flying enemy, the third and fourth were separated from them, the third squadron towing the horse-transports, and the triarii remaining with them as a supporting force. When the Carthaginians thought they had drawn off the first and second squadrons far enough from the others, they all, on receiving a signal from Hamilcar’s ship, turned simultaneously and attacked their pursuers. The engagement that followed was a very hot one, the superior speed of the Carthaginians enabling them to move round the enemy’s flank as well as to approach easily and retire rapidly, while the Romans, relying on their sheer strength when they closed with the enemy, grappling with the ravens every ship as soon as it approached, fighting also, as they were, under the very eyes of both the Consuls, who were personally taking part in the combat, had no less high hopes of success. Such then was the state of the battle in this quarter.
 
1 - 28 Three separate battles. 1st with Hamilcar’s squadron. 2nd squadron under Regulus. 3rd squadron relieved by Regulus & Manlius. General result.
At one and the same time Hanno with the right wing, which had held its distance in the first attack, sailed across the open sea and fell upon the ships of the triarii, causing them great embarrassment and distress. Meanwhile that part of the Carthaginian force which was posted near the shore, changing their former formation and deploying into line with their prows facing the enemy, attacked the vessels which were towing the horse-transports. Letting go their tow-lines this squadron met and engaged the enemy. Thus the whole conflict consisted of three parts, and three sea-battles were going on at a wide distance from each other. As the respective forces were in each case of equal strength owing to their disposition at the outset, the battle also was fought on equal terms. However, in each case things fell out as one would expect, when the forces engaged are so equally matched. Those who had commenced the battle were the first to be separated, for Hamilcar’s division was finally forced back and took to flight. Lucius was now occupied in taking the prizes in tow, and Marcus, observing the struggle in which the triarii and horse-transports were involved, hastened to their assistance with such of the ships of the second squadron as were undamaged. When he reached Hanno’s division and came into conflict with it, the triarii at once took heart, though they had had much the worst of it, and recovered their fighting spirit. The Carthaginians, attacked both in front and in the rear, were in difficulties, finding themselves surrounded, to their surprise, by the relieving force, and giving way, they began to retreat out to sea. Meanwhile both Lucius, who was by this time sailing up and observed that the third squadron was shut in close to the shore by the Carthaginian left wing, and Marcus, who had now left the horse-transports and triarii in safety, hastened together to the relief of this force which was in grave peril; for the state of matters now was just like a siege, and they all would evidently have been lost if the Carthaginians had not been afraid of the ravens and simply hedged them in and held them close to the land instead of charging, apprehensive as they were of coming to close quarters. The Consuls, coming up rapidly and surrounding the Carthaginians, captured fifty ships with their crews, a few managing to slip out along shore and escape. The separate encounters fell out as I have described, and the final result of the whole battle was in favour of the Romans. The latter lost twenty-four sail sunk and the Carthaginians more than thirty. Not a single Roman ship with its crew fell into the enemy’s hands, but sixty-four Carthaginian ships were so captured.
 
1 - 29  256-255. Siege of Aspis. (Clupea.) Aspis taken. M. Atilius Regulus remains in Africa.
After this the Romans, laying in a further supply of provisions, repairing the captured ships, and bestowing on their men the attention which their success deserved, put to sea and sailed towards Libya, reaching the shore with their advanced ships under the promontory known as the Hermaeum which lies in front of the whole Gulf of Carthage and stretches out to sea in the direction of Sicily. Having waited there until their other ships came up, and having united their whole fleet, they sailed along the coast till they reached the city of Aspis. Landing there and beaching their ships, which they surrounded with a trench and palisade, they set themselves to lay siege to the town, the garrison of which refused to surrender voluntarily. Those Carthaginians who made good their escape from the naval battle sailed home, and being convinced that the enemy, elated by their recent success, would at once attack Carthage itself from the sea, kept watch at different points over the approaches to the city with their land and sea forces. But when they learnt that the Romans had safely landed and were laying siege to Aspis, they abandoned the measures taken to guard against an attack from the sea, and uniting their forces devoted themselves to the protection of the capital and its environs. The Romans, after making themselves masters of Aspis, where they left a garrison to hold the town and district, sent a mission to Rome to report on recent events, and to inquire what they should do in future and how they were to deal with the whole situation. They then hastily advanced with their whole force and set about plundering the country. As nobody tried to prevent them, they destroyed a number of handsome and luxuriously furnished dwelling-houses, possessed themselves of a quantity of cattle, and captured more than twenty thousand slaves, taking them back to their ships. Messengers from Rome now arrived with instructions for one of the Consuls to remain on the spot with an adequate force and for the other to bring the fleet back to Rome. Marcus Regulus, therefore, remained, retaining forty ships and a force of fifteen thousand infantry and five hundred horse, while Lucius, taking with him the ship’s crews and all the prisoners, passed safely along the coast of Sicily and reached Rome.
 
1 - 30 256-255. operations of Regulus in Libya. Defeat of Carthaginians near Adys. Tunes.
The Carthaginians, observing that the Romans were preparing for a long occupation, in the first place elected two generals from among themselves, Hasdrubal, the son of Hanno, and Bostar, and next sent to Heraclea to Hamilcar, ordering him to return instantly. Taking with him five hundred horse and five thousand foot, he came to Carthage where, being appointed third general, he held a consultation with Hasdrubal and his staff as to what steps should be taken. They decided on marching to the assistance of the country and no longer looking on while it was plundered with immunity. A few days later Regulus had begun to advance, taking by assault and pillaging the unwalled places and laying siege to those which had walls. On reaching Adys, a town of some importance, he encamped about it and busied himself with raising works to besiege it. The Carthaginians, being anxious to attempt to regain the command of the open country, led out their forces. They took possession of a hill which, while overlooking the enemy, was not a favourable position for their own army; and there they encamped. In this manner, though their best hope lay in their cavalry and elephants, yet by quitting the level country and shutting themselves up in a precipitous place, difficult of access, they were sure to make it plain to their adversaries how best to attack them, and this is exactly what did happen. For the Roman commanders, perceiving from their experience of war that the most efficient and formidable part of the enemy’s force was rendered unserviceable by their position, did not wait for the Carthaginians to come down and offer battle on the plain, but, seizing on their own opportunity, advanced at daybreak on the hill from both sides. And so their elephants and cavalry were absolutely useless to the Carthaginians, but their mercenaries sallying out with great gallantry and dash compelled the first legion to give way and take to flight; but on their advancing too far and being surrounded and driven back by the force that was attacking on the other side, the whole Carthaginian army were at once dislodged from their camp. The elephants and cavalry, as soon as they reached level ground, effected their retreat in safety, and the Romans, after pursuing the infantry for a short distance and destroying the camp, henceforth over-ran and plundered the country and its towns unmolested. Having made themselves masters of the town named Tunis, which was a suitable base for these raids, and also well situated for operations against the capital and its immediate environs, they established themselves there.
 
1 - 31 Distress at Carthage, which is heightened by an inroad of Numidians. terms rejected.
The Carthaginians, having thus been twice defeated, shortly before at sea and now on land, in both cases owing to no lack of bravery in their troops, but owing to the incompetence of their commanders, had now fallen into a thoroughly difficult position. For, in addition to the misfortunes I have mentioned, the Numidians, attacking them at the same time as the Romans, inflicted not less but even more damage on the country than the latter. The terror-stricken inhabitants took refuge in the city of Carthage where utter despondency and extreme famine prevailed, the latter owing to overcrowding and the former owing to the expectation of a siege. Regulus, perceiving that the Carthaginians were utterly worsted both by land and sea and expecting to capture the city in a very short time, was yet apprehensive lest his successor in the Consulate should arrive in Rome before Carthage fell and receive the credit of the success, and he therefore invited the enemy to enter into negotiations. The Carthaginians gave a ready ear to these advances, and sent out an embassy of their leading citizens. On meeting Regulus, however, the envoys were so far from being inclined to yield to the conditions he proposed that they could not even bear listening to the severity of his demands. For, imagining himself to be complete master of the situation, he considered they ought to regard any concessions on his part as gifts and acts of grace. As it was evident to the Carthaginians that even if they became subject to the Romans, they could be in no worse case than if they yielded to the present demands, they returned not only dissatisfied with the conditions proposed but offended by Regulus’s harshness. The attitude of the Carthaginian Senate on hearing the Roman general’s proposals was, although they had almost abandoned all hope of safety, yet one of such manly dignity that rather than submit to anything ignoble or unworthy of their past they were willing to suffer anything and to face every exertion and every extremity.
 
1 - 32 Arrival of Spartan Xanthippus in Carthage.
Just about this time there arrived at Carthage one of the recruiting-officers they had formerly dispatched to Greece, bringing a considerable number of soldiers and among them a certain Xanthippus of Lacedaemon, a man who had been brought up in the Spartan discipline, and had had a fair amount of military experience. On hearing of the recent reverse and how and in what way it occurred, and on taking a comprehensive view of the remaining resources of the Carthaginians and their strength in cavalry and elephants, he at once reached the conclusion and communicated it to friends that the Carthaginians owed their defeat not to the Romans but to themselves, through the inexperience of their generals. Owing to the critical situation Xanthippus’s remarks soon got abroad and reached the ears of the generals, whereupon the government decided to summon him before them and examine him. He presented himself before them and communicated to them his estimate of the situation, pointing out why they were now being worsted, and urging that if they would take his advice and avail themselves of the level country for marching, encamping and offering battle they could easily not only secure their own safety, but defeat the enemy. The generals, accepting what he said and resolving to follow his advice, at once entrusted their forces to him. Now even when the original utterance of Xanthippus got abroad, it had caused considerable rumour and more or less sanguine talk among the populace, but on his leading the army out and drawing it up in good order before the city and even beginning to manoeuvre some portions of it correctly and give the word of command in the orthodox military terms, the contrast to the incompetency of the former generals was so striking that the soldiery expressed their approval by cheers and were eager to engage the enemy, feeling sure that if Xanthippus was in command no disaster could befall them. Upon this the generals, seeing the extraordinary recovery of courage among the troops, addressed them in words suitable to the occasion and after a few days took the field with their forces. These consisted of twelve thousand foot, four thousand horse and very nearly a hundred elephants.
 
1 - 33 New strategy of Carthaginians. dispositions for battle.
When the Romans saw that the Carthaginians were marching through the flat country and pitching their camps on level ground, they were surprised indeed and somewhat disturbed by this in particular, but yet were anxious on the whole to get into contact with the enemy. On coming into touch they encamped on the first day at a distance of about ten stades from him. On the following day the Carthaginian government held a council to discuss what should be done for the present and the means thereto. But the troops, eager as they were for a battle, collecting in groups and calling on Xanthippus by name, clearly indicated their opinion that he should lead them forward at once. The generals when they saw the enthusiasm and keenness of the soldiers, Xanthippus at the same time imploring them not to let the opportunity slip, ordered the troops to get ready and gave Xanthippus authority to conduct operations as he himself thought most advantageous. Acting on this authority, he sent the elephants forward and drew them up in a single line in front of the whole force, placing the Carthaginian phalanx at a suitable distance behind them. Some of the mercenaries he stationed on the right wing, while the most active he placed together with the cavalry in front of both wings. The Romans, seeing the enemy drawn up to offer battle, issued forth to meet them with alacrity. Alarmed at the prospect of the elephants’ charge, they stationed the velites in the van and behind them the legions many maniples deep, dividing the cavalry between the two wings. In thus making their whole line shorter and deeper than before they had been correct enough in so far as concerned the coming encounter with the elephants, but as to that with the cavalry, which largely outnumbered theirs, they were very wide of the mark. When both sides had made that general and detailed disposition of their forces that best suited their plan, they remained drawn up in order, each awaiting a favourable opportunity to attack.
 
1 - 34 Battle. Romans are beaten & annihilated. Regulus made prisoner.
No sooner had Xanthippus ordered the elephant-drivers to advance and break the enemy’s line and the cavalry on each wing to execute a turning movement and charge, than the Roman army, clashing their shields and spears together, as is their custom and uttering their battle-cry, advanced against the foe. As for the Roman cavalry on both wings it was speedily put to flight owing to the superior numbers of the Carthaginians; while of the infantry, the left wing, partly to avoid the onset of the elephants, and partly owing to the contempt they felt for the mercenary force, fell upon the Carthaginian right wing, and having broken it, pressed on and pursued it as far as the camp. But the first ranks of those who were stationed opposite the elephants, pushed back when they encountered them and trodden under foot by the strength of the animals, fell in heaps in the mêlée, while the formation of the main body, owing to the depths of the ranks behind, remained for a time unbroken. At length, however, those in the rear were surrounded on all sides by the cavalry and obliged to face round and fight them, while those who had managed to force a passage through the elephants and collect in the rear of those beasts, encountered the Carthaginian phalanx quite fresh and in good order and were cut to pieces. Henceforth the Romans were in sore straits on all sides, the greater number were trampled to death by the vast weight of the elephants, while the remainder were shot down by the numerous cavalry in their ranks as they stood. Only quite a small body of these tried to effect their escape, and of these, as their line of retreat was over level ground, some were dispatched by the elephants and cavalry, and about five hundred who got away with their general Regulus shortly afterwards fell into the enemy’s hands and were made prisoners, himself included. It resulted that in this battle the Carthaginians lost about eight hundred of the mercenaries, who had faced the Roman left wing, while of the Romans there were saved but about two thousand, whom the pursuit of the mercenaries I mentioned above carried out of the main battle. All the rest perished with the exception of the general Regulus and those who took to flight together with him. The maniples which escaped got through by extraordinary luck to Aspis. The Carthaginians stripped the dead, and taking with them the Consul and the other captives, returned to the city in high glee at the turn of affairs.
 
1 - 35 Eurip. fr. One wise man’s skill is worth a world in arms.
In these events there will be found by one who notes them aright much to contribute to the better conduct of human life. For the precept to distrust Fortune, and especially when we are enjoying success, was most clearly enforced on all by Regulus’s misfortunes. He who so short a time previously had refused to pity or take mercy on those in distress was now, almost immediately afterwards, being led captive to implore pity and mercy in order to save his own life. And again Euripides’ words, so long recognized as just, that “one wise counsel conquers many hands” were then confirmed by the actual facts. For one man and one brain laid low that host which seemed so invincible and efficient, and restored the fortunes of a state which in the eyes of all was utterly fallen and the deadened spirit of its soldiers. This I mention for the sake of the improvement of the readers of this history. For there are two ways by which all men can reform themselves, the one through their own mischances, the other through those of others, and of these the former is the more impressive, but the latter less hurtful. Therefore we should never choose the first method if we can help it, as it corrects by means of great pain and peril, but ever pursue the other, since by it we can discern what is best without suffering hurt. Reflecting on this we should regard as the best discipline for actual life the experience that accrues from serious history; for this alone makes us, without inflicting any harm on us, the most competent judges of what is best at every time and in every circumstance. Well, on this subject I have said enough.
 
1 - 36 255.  Xanthippus quits Carthage. Romans prepare a fleet to relieve their beaten army. Coss. Ser. Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior, M. Aemilius Paullus.

All having now fallen out with the Carthaginians as they could best desire, there was no extravagance of rejoicing in which they did not indulge, paying thank-offerings to the gods and giving congratulatory entertainments. But Xanthippus, to whom this revolution and notable advance in the fortunes of Carthage was due, after a little time sailed again for home, and this was a very prudent and sensible decision on his part; for brilliant and exceptional achievements are wont to breed the deepest jealousy and most bitter slander. Natives of a place, supported as they are by their kinsmen and having many friends, may possibly be able to hold their own against those for some time, but foreigners when exposed to either speedily succumb and find themselves in peril. There is another account given of Xanthippus’s desire which I will endeavour to set forth on an occasion more suitable than the present.

The Romans, who had never expected to receive such bad news from Libya, at once directed their efforts to fitting out their fleet and rescuing their surviving troops there. The Carthaginians after the battle encamped before Aspis and laid siege to it with the object of capturing those survivors, but as they had no success owing to the gallantry and daring of the defenders they at length abandoned the siege. When news reached them that the Romans were preparing their fleet and were about to sail again for Libya, they set to repairing the ships they had and building other entirely new ones, and having soon manned a fleet of two hundred sail, they put to sea and remained on the watch for an attack by the enemy.

In the early summer the Romans, having launched three hundred and fifty ships, sent them off under the command of Marcus Aemilius and Servius Fulvius, who proceeded along the coast of Sicily making for Libya. Encountering the Carthaginian fleet near the Hermaeum they fell on them and easily routed them, capturing one hundred and fourteen ships with their crews. Then having taken on board at Aspis the lads who remained at Libya they set sail again for Sicily.

 
1 - 37 Fleet is lost in a storm.
They had crossed the strait in safety and were off the territory of Camarina when they were overtaken by so fierce a storm and so terrible a disaster that it is difficult adequately to describe it owing to its surpassing magnitude. For of their three hundred and sixty-four ships only eighty were saved; the rest either foundered or were dashed by the waves against the rocks and headlands and broken to pieces, covering the shore with corpses and wreckage. History tells of no greater catastrophe at sea taking place at one time. The blame must be laid not so much on ill-fortune as on the commanders; for the captains had repeatedly urged them not to sail along the outer coast of Sicily, that turned towards the Libyan sea, as it was very rugged and had few safe anchorages: they also warned them that one of the dangerous astral periods was not over and another just approaching (for it was between the rising of Orion and that of Sirius that they undertook the voyage). The commanders, however, paid no attention to a single word they said, they took the outer course and there they were in the open sea thinking to strike terror into some of the cities they passed by the brilliancy of their recent success and thus win them over. But now, all for the sake of such meagre expectations, they exposed themselves to this great disaster, and were obliged to acknowledge their lack of judgement. The Romans, to speak generally, rely on force in all their enterprises, and think it is incumbent on them to carry out their projects in spite of all, and that nothing is impossible when they have once decided on it. They owe their success in many cases to this spirit, but sometimes they conspicuously fail by reason of it and especially at sea. For on land they are attacking men and the works of man and are usually successful, as there they are employing force against forces of the same nature, although even here they have in some rare instances failed. But when they come to encounter the sea and the atmosphere and choose to fight them by force they meet with signal defeats. It was so on this occasion and on many others, and it will always continue to be so, until they correct this fault of daring and violence which makes them think they can sail and travel where they will at no matter what season.
 
1 - 38 254. Carthaginians renew operations in Sicily. Coss. Gn. Cornelius Scipio Asina 2., Aulus Atilius, Calatinus 2.

The Carthaginians, on hearing of the destruction of the Roman fleet, conceiving themselves to be now a match for the Romans both on land owing to their recent success and at sea owing to this disaster, were encouraged to make more extensive military and naval preparations. They at once dispatched Hasdrubal to Sicily, giving him the troops they previously had and a force which had joined them from Heraclea, together with a hundred and forty elephants. After dispatching him they began to get ready for sea two hundred ships and to make all other preparations for a naval expedition. Hasdrubal having crossed in safety to Lilybaeum occupied himself in drilling unopposed his elephants and the rest of his force, and plainly intended to dispute the possession of the open country.

The Romans, on receiving full information about the disaster from the survivors of the shipwreck, were deeply grieved, but being resolved on no account to give in, they decided to put on the stocks a fresh fleet of two hundred and twenty ships. In three months they were completed—a thing difficult to believe—and the new Consuls, Aulus Atilius and Gnaeus Cornelius, having fitted out the fleet, put to sea, and passing the straits picked up at Messene the ships that had escaped shipwreck. Descending with their total fleet of three hundred sail on Panormus, the most important city in the Carthaginian province, they undertook its siege. They threw up works in two places and after making the other necessary preparations brought up their battering-rams. The tower on the sea shore was easily knocked down, and, the soldiers pressing in through this breach, the so-called New Town was stormed, and the part known as the Old Town being now in imminent danger, its inhabitants soon surrendered it. Having taken possession of it the Consuls sailed back to Rome leaving a garrison in the town.

 
1 - 39 253. Coss. Gn. Servilius Caepio, G. Sempronius Blaesus. 252 - Coss. Lucius Caecilius Metellus, G. Furius Pacilus. 252- 50.

Their successors, Gnaeus Servilius and Gaius Sempronius, put to sea with their whole fleet as soon as it was summer and after crossing to Sicily proceeded thence to Libya, and sailing along the coast, made a number of descents in which they accomplished nothing of importance, and finally reached the isle of the Lotus-eaters, which is called Meninx and is not far distant from the lesser Syrtis. Here, owing to their ignorance of these seas, they ran on to some shoals, and, on the tide retreating and the ships grounding fast, they were in a most difficult position. However, as the tide unexpectedly rose again after some time, they managed with difficulty to lighten their ships by throwing overboard all heavy objects. Their departure now was so hasty as to resemble a flight, and having made Sicily and rounded Cape Lilybaeum they anchored at Panormus. As they were rashly crossing the open sea on the way hence to Rome they again encountered such a terrific storm that they lost more than a hundred and fifty ships.

The Roman Government upon this, although in all matters they are exceedingly ambitious of success, still on the present occasion, owing to the magnitude and frequency of the disasters they met with, were obliged by the force of circumstances to renounce the project of getting another fleet together. Relying now solely on their land forces, they dispatched to Sicily with some legions the Consuls Lucius Caecilius and Gaius Furius and only manned sixty ships to revictual the legions. The above disasters resulted in the prospects of the Carthaginians becoming once more brighter; for they had now undisturbed command of the sea, the Romans having retired from it, and they had great hopes of their army. These hopes were not unjustified, for the Romans, when the report circulated regarding the battle in Libya that the elephants had broken the Romans’ ranks and killed most of their men, and grew so afraid of the beasts that for the two years following this period, though often both in the district of Lilybaeum and in that of Selinus they were drawn up at a distance of five or six stades from the enemy, they never dared to begin a battle, and in fact never would come down at all to meet the enemy on flat ground, so much did they dread a charge of the elephants. During this period all they accomplished was the reduction by siege of Therma and Lipara, keeping as they did to mountainous and difficult country. Consequently the Government, observing the timidity and despondency that prevailed in their land forces, changed their minds and decided to try their fortunes at sea again. In the consulship of Gaius Atilius and Lucius Manlius we find them building fifty ships and actively enrolling sailors and getting a fleet together.

 
1 - 40 251. Skirmishing at Panormus.
The Carthaginian commander-in-chief, Hasdrubal, had noted the lack of courage which the Romans exhibited, on the occasions when they were in the presence of the enemy, and when he learnt that while one of the Consuls with half the whole force had left for Italy, Caecilius and the rest of the army remained at Panormus with the object of protecting the corn of the allies—it being now the height of the harvest—removed his forces from Lilybaeum and encamped on the frontier of the territory of Panormus. Caecilius, observing Hasdrubal’s aggressive spirit and wishing to provoke him to attack, kept his own soldiers within the gates. Hasdrubal gained fresh confidence from this, thinking that Caecilius did not venture to come out, and boldly advancing with his whole force, descended through the pass on the territory of Panormus. Caecilius, adhering to his original plan, let him ravage the crops up to the walls, until he had led him on to cross the river that runs in front of the town. Once the Carthaginians had got their elephants and other forces across, he kept sending out light-armed troops to molest them, until he had compelled them to deploy their whole force. When he saw that what he had designed was taking place he stationed some of his light troops before the wall and the trench, ordering them, if the elephants approached, not to spare their missiles, and when driven from their position, they were to take refuge in the trench and sallying from it again shoot at those elephants which charged at them. Ordering the lower classes of the civil population to bring the missiles and arrange them outside at the foot of the wall, he himself with his maniples took up his position at the gate which faced the enemy’s left wing and kept sending constant reinforcements to those engaged in shooting. When this latter force more generally engaged with the enemy, the drivers of the elephants, anxious to exhibit their prowess to Hasdrubal and wishing the victory to be due to themselves, all charged those of the enemy who were in advance and putting them easily to flight pursued them to the trench. When the elephants charged the trench and began to be wounded by those who were shooting from the wall, while at the same time a rapid shower of javelins and spears fell on them from the fresh troops drawn up before the trench, they very soon, finding themselves hit and hurt in many places, were thrown into confusion and turned on their own troops, trampling down and killing the men and disturbing and breaking the ranks. Caecilius, on seeing this, made a vigorous sally and falling on the flank of the enemy, who were now in disorder, with his own fresh and well-ordered troops caused a severe rout among them, killing many and compelling the rest to quit the field in headlong flight. He took ten elephants with their mahouts, and after the battle, having penned up the others who had thrown their mahouts, he captured them all. By this exploit he was universally acknowledged to have caused the Roman land forces to pluck up courage again and gain the command of the open country.
 
1 - 41 250. C. Caecilius Regulus 2., L. Manlius Vulso 2.

When news of this success reached Rome it caused great rejoicing, not so much because of the enemy being weakened by the loss of their elephants as because of the confidence which the capture of these gave to their own troops. They were consequently encouraged to revert to their original plan of sending out the Consuls to the campaign with a fleet of naval force; for they were eager by all means in their power to put an end to the war. When all that was required for the expedition was ready, the Consuls set sail for Sicily with two hundred ships. This was in the fourteenth year of the war. Anchoring off Lilybaeum, where they were joined by their land forces, they undertook its siege, thinking that if it fell into their possession it would be easy for them to transfer the war to Libya. On this matter at least the Carthaginian Government agreed more or less with the Romans, sharing their estimate of the place’s value; so that, shelving all other projects, they devoted their whole attention to the relief of this city and were ready to undertake every risk and burden for this purpose; for if it fell, no base was left for them, as the Romans were masters of all the rest of Sicily except Drepana.

To prevent my narrative from being obscure to readers owing to their ignorance of the geography, I will try to convey briefly to them an idea of the natural advantages and exact position of the places referred to.

 
1 - 42 250. Siege of Lilybaeum, 

Sicily, then, as a whole occupies the same position with regard to Italy and its extremity that the Peloponnese occupies with regard to Greece and its extremity, the difference lying in this, that the Peloponnese is a peninsula whereas Sicily is an island, the communication being in the one case by land and in the other by sea. Sicily is triangular in shape, the apices of all three angles being formed by capes. The cape that looks to the south and stretches out into the Sicilian Sea is called Pachynus, that on the north forms the extremity of the western coast of the Strait; it is about twelve stades distant from Italy and is called Pelorias. The third looks towards Libya itself, and is favourably situated as a base for attacking the promontories in front of Carthage, from which it is distant about one thousand stades. It is turned to the south-west, separating the Libyan from the Sardinian Sea, and its name is Lilybaeum. On the cape stands the city of the same name, of which the Romans were now opening the siege. It is excellently defended both by walls and by a deep moat all round, and on the side facing the sea by shoaly water, the passage through which into the harbour requires great skill and practice.

The Romans encamped by this city on either side, fortifying the space between their camps with a trench, a stockade, and a wall. They then began to throw up works against the tower that lay nearest the sea on the Libyan side, and, gradually advancing from the base thus acquired and extending their works, they succeeded at last in knocking down the six adjacent towers, and attacked all the others at once with battering rams. The siege was now so vigorously pursued and so terrifying, each day seeing some of the towers shaken or demolished, and the enemy’s works advancing further and further into the city, that the besieged were thrown into a state of utter confusion and panic, although, besides the civil population, there were nearly ten thousand mercenaries in the town. Their general, Himilco, however, omitted no means of resistance in his power, and by counter-building and counter-mining caused the enemy no little difficulty. Every day he would advance and make attempts on the siege works, trying to succeed in setting them on fire, and with this object was indeed engaged by night and day in combats of so desperate a character, that at times more men fell in these encounters than usually fell in a pitched battle.

 
1 - 43 Attempted treason in Lilybaeum.
About this time some of the superior officers in the mercenary force, after talking the matter over among themselves and in the full conviction that their subordinates would obey them, sallied from the town by night to the Roman camp and made proposals to the Consul for the surrender of the city. But the Achaean Alexon, who had on a former occasion saved the Agrigentines, when the Syracusan mercenaries had formed a project of breaking faith with them, was now too the first to get wind of what was going on and informed the Carthaginian general. Himilco on hearing of it at once summoned the remaining officers and urgently implored their aid, promising them lavish gifts and favours if they remained loyal to him and refused to participate in the plot of those who had left the city. On their readily consenting, he bade them return at once to their troops, sending with them to the Celts Hannibal, the son of that Hannibal who had died in Sardinia, as they had served under him and were well acquainted with him, while to the other mercenaries he sent Alexon, owing to his popularity and credit with them. They called a meeting of the soldiery and partly by entreating them, partly moreover by assuring them that each man would receive the bounty the general had offered, easily persuaded them to bide by their engagements. So, afterwards, when the officers who had quitted the city advanced openly to the walls and attempted to entreat them and tell them of the promises made by the Romans, not only did they pay no attention but would not lend ear to them at all, and chased them away from the wall with stones and other missiles. The Carthaginians, then, for the above reasons very narrowly escaped a complete disaster due to the treachery of their mercenaries, and Alexon, who had previously saved by his loyalty not only the city and district but the laws and liberties of Agrigentum, now was the cause of the Carthaginians being saved from total ruin.
 
1 - 44 Hannibal relieves Lilybaeum.
The Carthaginian government knew nothing of all this, but calculating the requirements of a besieged town, they filled fifty ships with troops. After addressing the soldiers in terms befitting the enterprise, they sent them off at once under the command of Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar, trierarch and most intimate friend of Adherbal, with orders not to delay, but at the first opportunity to make a bold attempt to relieve the besieged. Setting sail with ten thousand troops on board, he came to anchor off the islands called Aegusae, which lie between Lilybaeum and Carthage, and there awaited favourable weather. As soon as he had a fine stern breeze he hoisted all sail and running before the wind sailed straight for the mouth of the harbour, his men drawn up on deck armed ready for action. The Romans, partly owing to the suddenness of the fleet’s appearance and partly because they feared being carried into the hostile harbour by the force of the wind together with their enemies, made no effort to prevent the entrance of the relieving force, but stood out at sea amazed at the audacity of the Carthaginians. The whole population had assembled on the walls in an agony of suspense on the one hand as to what would happen, and at the same time so overjoyed at the unexpected prospect of succour that they kept on encouraging the fleet as it sailed in by cheers and clapping of hands. Hannibal, having entered the harbour in this hazardous and daring manner, anchored and disembarked his troops in security. All those in the city were delighted not so much at the arrival of the relief, although their prospects were much improved and their force increased thereby, as at the fact that the Romans had not ventured to try to prevent the Carthaginians from sailing in.
 
1 - 45 A sally from Lilybaeum. It fails.
Himilco, the commander of the garrison, seeing that all were full of spirit and confidence, the original garrison owing to the arrival of relief, and the newcomers owing to their ignorance as yet of the perilous situation, desired to avail himself of this fresh spirit in both parties and make another attempt to fire the enemy’s works. He therefore summoned the soldiers to a general assembly, and addressing them at some length in words suitable to the occasion, roused them to great enthusiasm by his lavish promises of reward to those who distinguished themselves personally, and his assurance that the force as a whole would be duly recompensed by the Government. On their all applauding him and shouting to him not to delay but to lead them on at once, he dismissed them for the present after praising them and expressing his pleasure at their eagerness, ordering them to retire to rest early and obey their officers. Soon afterwards he summoned the commanding officers and assigned to each his proper place in the assault, giving them the watchword and informing them of the hour. He ordered all the commanders with the whole of their forces to be on the spot at the morning watch, and his orders having been executed, he led the whole force out as it was getting light and attacked the works in several places. The Romans, who had foreseen what was coming, were not idle or unprepared, but promptly ran to defend the threatened points and opposed a vigorous resistance to the enemy. Soon the whole of both forces were engaged, and a desperate fight was going on all round the walls, the salliers numbering not less than twenty thousand and the force outside being rather more numerous. Inasmuch as they were fighting confusedly and in no order, each man as he thought best, the battle was all the more fierce, such a large force being engaged man to man and company to company, so that there was something of the keenness of single combat in the whole contest. It was, however, particularly at the siege-works themselves that there was most shouting and pressure. For those on both sides whose task from the outset was on the one hand to drive the defenders from the works, and on the other not to abandon them, exhibited such emulation and resolution, the assailants doing their very best to turn the Romans out, and the latter refusing to give way, that at last owing to this resolute spirit the men remained and fell on the spot where they had first stood. Yet, in spite of all, the bearers of pine-brands, tow, and fire intermingled with the combatants, attacked the engines from every side, hurling the burning matter at them with such pluck that the Romans were in the utmost peril, being unable to master the onset of the enemy. But the Carthaginian general, observing that many were falling in the battle, and that his object of taking the works was not being attained, ordered his trumpeters to sound the retreat. Thus the Romans who had come very near losing all their siege-material, at length were masters of their works, and remained in secure possession of them.
 
1 - 46 Hannibal Rhodian offers to run blockade.

As for Hannibal he sailed out with his ships after the affair while it was still night, unobserved by the enemy, and proceeded to Drepana to meet the Carthaginian commander there, Adherbal. Owing to the convenient situation of Drepana and the excellency of its harbour, the Carthaginians had always given great attention to its protection. The place lies at a distance of about a hundred and twenty stades from Lilybaeum.

The Carthaginians at home wishing to know what was happening at Lilybaeum, but being unable to do so as their own forces were shut up in the town and the Romans were active in their vigilance, one of their leading citizens, Hannibal, surnamed the Rhodian, offered to sail into Lilybaeum and make a full report from personal observation. They listened to his offer eagerly, but did not believe he could do this, as the Romans were anchored outside the mouth of the port. But after fitting out his own ship, he set sail, and crossed to one of the islands that lie before Lilybaeum, and next day finding the wind happily favourable, sailed in at about ten o’clock in the morning in full sight of the enemy who were thunderstruck by his audacity. Next day he at once made preparations for departure, but the Roman general, with the view of guarding the entrance more carefully, had fitted out in the night ten of his fastest ships, and now he himself and his whole army stood by the harbour waiting to see what would happen. The ships were waiting on either side of the entrance as near the shoals would allow them to approach, their oars out and ready to charge and capture the ship that was about to sail out. But the “Rhodian,” getting under weigh in the sight of all, so far outbraved the Romans by his audacity and speed that not only did he bring his ship and her whole crew out unhurt, passing the enemy’s ships just as if they were motionless, but after sailing on a short way, he pulled up without shipping his oars as if to challenge the enemy, and no one venturing to come out against him owing to the speed of his rowing, he sailed off, after thus having with one ship successfully defied the whole Roman fleet. After this he several times performed the same feat and was of great service by continuing to report at Carthage the news of most urgent importance, while at the same time he kept up the spirits of the besieged and struck terror into the Romans by his venturesomeness.

 
1 - 47 His example is followed by others. Rhodian is at length captured.
What tended most to give him confidence was that from experience he had accurately noted the course to be followed through the shoals in entering. For as soon as he had crossed and come into view, he would get the sea-tower on the Italian side on his bows so that it covered the whole line of towers turned towards Africa; and this is the only way that a vessel running before the wind can hit the mouth of the harbour in entering. Several others who had local knowledge, gaining confidence from the “Rhodian’s” audacity, undertook to do the same, and in consequence the Romans, to whom this was a great annoyance, tried to fill up the mouth of the harbour. For the most part indeed their attempt was resultless, both owing to the depth of the sea, and because none of the stuff that they threw in would remain in its place or hold together in the least, but all they shot in used to be at once shifted and scattered as it was sinking to the bottom, by the surge and the force of the current. However, in one place where there were shoals a solid bank was formed at the cost of infinite pains, and on this a four-banked ship which was coming out at night grounded and fell into the hands of the enemy. This ship was of remarkably fine build, and the Romans, after capturing it and manning it with a select crew, kept watch for all the blockade-runners and especially for the “Rhodian.” It so happened that he had sailed in that very night, and was afterwards sailing out quite openly, but, on seeing the four-banked vessel putting out to sea again together with himself and recognizing it, he was alarmed. At first he made a spurt to get away from it, but finding himself overhauled owing to the good oarsmanship of its crew he had at length to turn and engage the enemy. Being no match for the boarders, who were numerous and all picked men, he fell into the enemy’s hands. His ship was, like the other, very well built, and the Romans when they were in possession of her fitted her out too for this special service and so put a stop to all this venturesome blockade-running at Lilybaeum.
 
1 - 48 A storm having damaged siege-works, Lilybaeans succeed in burning them.
The besieged were still counterbuilding energetically though they had renounced their effort to spoil or destroy the enemy’s works, when there arose a turbulent storm of wind, blowing with such violence and fury on the actual apparatus for advancing the engines, that it shook the protecting pent-houses from their foundations and carried away the wooden towers in front of these by its force. During the gale it struck some of the Greek mercenaries that here was an admirable opportunity for destroying the works, and they communicated their notion to the general, who approved it and made all suitable preparations for the enterprise. The soldiers in several bodies threw fire on the works at three separate points. The whole apparatus being old and readily inflammable, and the wind blowing very strongly on the actual towers and engines, the action of the flames as they spread was most effective, whereas the efforts of the Romans to succour and save the works were quite the reverse, the task being most difficult. The defenders were indeed so terrified by the outbreak that they could neither realize nor understand what was happening, but half blinded by the flames and sparks that flew in their faces and by the dense smoke, many of them succumbed and fell, unable even to get near enough to combat the actual conflagration. The difficulties that the enemy encountered for these various reasons were immense, while the exertions of the incendiaries were correspondingly facilitated. Everything that could blind or injure the enemy was blown into flame and pushed at them, missiles and other objects hurled or discharged to wound the rescuers or to destroy the works being easily aimed because the throwers could see in front of them, while the blows were most effective as the strong wind gave them additional force. At the end the completeness of the destruction was such that the bases of the towers and the posts that supported the battering-rams were rendered useless by the fire. After this the Romans gave up the attempt to conduct the siege by works, and digging a trench and erecting a stockade all round the city, at the same time building a wall round their own encampment, they left the result to time. But the garrison of Lilybaeum rebuilt the fallen portions of the wall and now confidently awaited the issue of the siege.
 
1 - 49  249. Roman army is reinforced. Coss. P. Claudius Pulcher, L. Junius Pullus. Claudius sails to attack Drepana.
On the news reaching Rome, and on it being reported from various quarters that the great part of the crews of their fleet had perished in the works or in the siege operations in general, they set about actively enlisting sailors, and when they had collected about ten thousand dispatched them to Sicily. These reinforcements were ferried over the Straits and thence proceeded on foot to the camp, where on their arrival the Roman Consul, Publius Claudius Pulcher, called a meeting of the Tribunes and told them that now was the time to attack Drepana with the whole fleet. The Carthaginian general Adherbal who commanded there was, he said, unprepared for such a contingency, as he was ignorant of the arrival of the crews, and convinced that their fleet was unable to take the sea owing to the heavy loss of men in the siege. On the Tribunes readily consenting, he at once embarked the former crews and the new arrivals, and chose for marines the best men in the whole army, who readily volunteered as the voyage was but a short one and the prospect of booty seemed certain. After making these preparations he put to sea about midnight unobserved by the enemy, and at first sailed in close order with the land on his right. At daybreak when the leading ships came into view sailing on Drepana, Adherbal was at first taken by surprise at the unexpected sight, but soon recovering his composure and understanding that the enemy had come to attack, he decided to make every effort and incur every sacrifice rather than expose himself to the certitude of a blockade. He himself at once collected the crews on the beach and summoned by crier the mercenaries from the city. On all being assembled he tried in a few words to impress on their minds the prospect of victory if they risked a battle, and the hardships of a siege should they delay now that they clearly foresaw the danger. Their spirit for the fight was readily aroused, and on their calling on him to lead them on and not delay, he thanked them, praised their zeal, and then ordered them to get on board at once, and keeping their eyes on his ship, to follow in his wake. Having made these orders quite clear to them he quickly got under weigh and took the lead, making his exit close under the rocks on the opposite side of the harbour from that on which the Romans were entering.Publius, the Roman commander, had expected that the enemy would give way and would be intimidated by his attack, but when he saw that on the contrary they intended to fight him, and that his own fleet was partly inside the harbour, partly at the very mouth, and partly still sailing up to enter, he gave orders for them all to put about and sail out again. On the ships already in the harbour fouling those which were entering owing to their sudden turn there was not only great confusion among the men but the ships had the blades of their oars broken as they came into collision. The captains, however, bringing the ships as they cleared the harbour into line, soon drew them up close to shore with their prows to the enemy. Publius himself from the start had been bringing up the rear of the entire fleet, and now veering out to sea without stopping his course, took up a position on the extreme left. At the same time Adherbal, outflanking the enemy’s left with five beaked ships, placed his own ship facing the enemy from the direction of the open sea. As the other ships came up and joined getting into line, he ordered them by his staff officers to place themselves in the same position as his own, and when they all presented a united front he gave the signal to advance that had been agreed upon and at first bore down in line on the Romans, who kept close to the shore awaiting those of their ships that were returning from the harbour. This position close inshore placed them at a great disadvantage in the engagement.
 
1 - 50 Unexpected resistance of Adherbal. Roman fleet checked.

Publius, the Roman commander, had expected that the enemy would give way and would be intimidated by his attack, but when he saw that on the contrary they intended to fight him, and that his own fleet was partly inside the harbour, partly at the very mouth, and partly still sailing up to enter, he gave orders for them all to put about and sail out again. On the ships already in the harbour fouling those which were entering owing to their sudden turn there was not only great confusion among the men but the ships had the blades of their oars broken as they came into collision. The captains, however, bringing the ships as they cleared the harbour into line, soon drew them up close to shore with their prows to the enemy. Publius himself from the start had been bringing up the rear of the entire fleet, and now veering out to sea without stopping his course, took up a position on the extreme left. At the same time Adherbal, outflanking the enemy’s left with five beaked ships, placed his own ship facing the enemy from the direction of the open sea. As the other ships came up and joined getting into line, he ordered them by his staff officers to place themselves in the same position as his own, and when they all presented a united front he gave the signal to advance that had been agreed upon and at first bore down in line on the Romans, who kept close to the shore awaiting those of their ships that were returning from the harbour. This position close inshore placed them at a great disadvantage in the engagement.

 
1 - 51 battle. Romans beaten.

When the two fleets approached each other, the signals for battle were raised on both the admirals, and they closed. At first the battle was equally balanced, as the marines in both fleets were the very best men of their land forces; but the Carthaginians gradually began to get the best of it as they had many advantages throughout the whole struggle. They much surpassed the Romans in speed, owing to the superior build of their ships and the better training of the rowers, as they had freely developed their line in the open sea. For if any ships found themselves hard pressed by the enemy it was easy for them owing to their speed to retreat safely to the open water and from thence, fetching round on the ships that pursued and fell on them, they either got in the rear or attacked them on the flank, and as the enemy then had to turn round and found themselves in difficulty owing to the weight of the hulls and the poor oarsmanship of the crews, they rammed them repeatedly and sunk many. Again if any other of their own ships were in peril they were ready to render assistance with perfect security to themselves, as they were out of immediate danger and could sail in open water past the sterns of their own line. It was, however, just the opposite with the Romans. Those in distress could not retire backwards, as they were fighting close to the land, and the ships, hard pressed by the enemy in front, either ran on the shallows stern foremost or made for the shore and grounded. To sail on the one hand through the enemy’s line and then appear on the stern of such of his ships as were engaged with others (one of the most effective manoeuvres in naval warfare) was impossible owing to the weight of the vessels and their crews’ lack of skill. Nor again could they give assistance where it was required from astern, as they were hemmed in close to the shore, and there was not even a small space left for those who wished to come to the rescue of their comrades in distress. Such being their difficult position in every part of the battle, and some of the ships grounding on the shallows while others ran ashore, the Roman commander, when he saw what was happening, took to flight, slipping out on the left along shore, accompanied by about thirty of the ships nearest to him. The remainder, ninety-three in number, were captured by the Carthaginians, including their crews, with the exception of those men who ran their ships ashore and made off.

 
1 - 52 Romans not discouraged send Consul L. Junius with a large supply of provisions in 800 transports, convoyed by 60 ships of war to Lilybaeum.

The battle having resulted so, Adherbal gained a high reputation at Carthage, the success being regarded as due to his foresight and boldness. Publius, on the contrary, fell into ill repute among the Romans, and there was a great outcry against him for having acted rashly and inconsiderately and done all a single man could do to bring disaster on Rome. He was accordingly brought to trial afterwards, condemned to a heavy fine, and narrowly escaped with his life.

Yet so determined were the Romans to bring the whole struggle to a successful issue, that, notwithstanding this reverse, they left undone nothing that was in their power, and prepared to continue the campaign. The time for the elections was now at hand, and accordingly when the new Consuls were appointed they dispatched one of them, Lucius Junius Pullus, with corn for the besiegers of Lilybaeum and such other provisions and supplies as the army required, manning sixty ships to act as a convoy to him. Junius, on arriving at Messene and being joined by the ships from Lilybaeum and the rest of Sicily, coasted along with all speed to Syracuse, having now a hundred and twenty ships and the supplies in about eight hundred transports. There he entrusted half the transports and a few of the war-ships to the Quaestors and sent them on, as he was anxious to have what the troops required conveyed to them at once. He himself remained in Syracuse waiting for the ships that were left behind on the voyage from Messene and procuring additional supplies and corn from the allies in the interior.

 
1 - 53 Carthalo tries to intercept transports.

At about the same time Adherbal sent the prisoners from the naval battle and the captured ships to Carthage, and giving Carthalo his colleague thirty vessels in addition to the seventy with which he had arrived, dispatched him with orders to make a sudden descent on the enemy’s ships that were moored near Lilybaeum, capture all he could and set fire to the rest. When Carthalo acting on these orders made the attack at dawn and began to burn some of the ships and carry off others, there was a great commotion in the Roman camp. For as they rushed to rescue the ships with loud cries, Himilco, on the watch at Lilybaeum, heard them, and as day was just beginning to break, he saw what was happening, and sent out the mercenaries from the town to attack the Romans also. The Romans were now in danger from all sides and in no little or ordinary distress. The Carthaginian admiral, having made off with a few ships and broken up others, shortly afterwards left Lilybaeum, and after coasting along for some distance in the direction of Heraclea remained on the watch, as his design was to intercept the ships that were on their way to join the army. When his look-out men reported that a considerable number of ships of every variety were approaching and at no great distance, he got under weigh and sailed towards them eager to engage them, as after the recent success he had great contempt for the Romans. The approach of the enemy was also announced by the light boats that usually sail in front of a fleet to the Quaestors who had been sent on in advance from Syracuse. Considering themselves not strong enough to accept a battle, they anchored off a certain small fortified town subject to the Romans, which had indeed no harbour, but a roadstead shut in by headlands projecting from the land in a manner that made it a more or less secure anchorage. Here they disembarked, and setting up the catapults and mangonels procured from the fortress, awaited the enemy’s attack. The Carthaginians on their approach at first thought of besieging them, supposing that the crews would be afraid and retreat to the city, and that they would then easily possess themselves of the ships; but when their hopes were not realized, the enemy on the contrary making a gallant defence, and the situation of the place presenting many difficulties of every kind, they carried off a few of the ships laden with provisions and sailed away to a certain river where they anchored, and waited for the Romans to put out to sea again.

 
1 - 54 Roman fleet is wrecked.

The Consul, who had remained in Syracuse, when he had concluded his business there, rounded Cape Pachynus and sailed in the direction of Lilybaeum in entire ignorance of what had befallen the advance force. The Carthaginian admiral, when his look-outs again reported that the enemy were in sight, put to sea and sailed with all haste, as he wished to engage them at as great a distance as possible from their own ships. Junius had sighted the Carthaginian fleet for some time, and noticed the number of their ships, but he neither dared to engage them nor could he now escape them, as they were so near. He therefore diverted his course to a rugged and in every way perilous part of the coast and anchored there, thinking that, no matter what happened to him, it would be preferable to his whole force of ships and men falling into the hands of the enemy. The Carthaginian admiral, on seeing what Junius had done, decided not to incur the risk of approaching such a dangerous shore, but, gaining a certain cape and anchoring off it, remained on the alert between the two fleets, keeping his eye on both. When the weather now became stormy, and they were threatened with a heavy gale from the open sea, the Carthaginian captains who were acquainted with the locality and with the weather signs, and foresaw and prophesied what was about to happen, persuaded Carthalo to escape the tempest by rounding Cape Pachynus. He very wisely consented, and with great labour they just managed to get round the cape and anchor in a safe position. But the two Roman fleets, caught by the tempest, and the coast affording no shelter at all, were so completely destroyed that not even the wrecks were good for anything. In this unlooked for manner, then, the Romans had both their fleets disabled.

 
1 - 55  248. Romans abandon sea. Lucius Junius perseveres in siege.  Eryx.

Owing to this occurrence the hopes of the Carthaginians rose again, and it seemed to them that the fortune of war was inclining in their favour, while the Romans, on the contrary, who had been previously to a certain extent unlucky but never had met with so complete a disaster, relinquished the sea, while continuing to maintain their hold on the country. The Carthaginians were now masters of the sea and were not hopeless of regaining their position on land. Subsequently, though all, both at Rome and in the army at Lilybaeum, continued to lament their whole situation after these recent defeats, yet they did not abandon their purpose of pursuing the siege, the government not hesitating to send supplies over land, the besiegers thereby keeping up the investment as well as they could. Junius, returning to the army after the shipwreck in a state of great affliction, set himself to devise some novel and original step that would be of service, being most anxious to make good the loss inflicted by the disaster. Therefore on some slight pretext offering itself, he surprised and occupied Eryx, possessing himself both of the temple of Venus and of the town. Eryx is a mountain on the sea on that side of Sicily which looks towards Italy. It is situated between Drepana and Panormus, or rather it is adjacent to Drepana, on the borders, and is much the biggest mountain in Sicily after Etna. On its summit, which is flat, stands the temple of Venus Erycina, which is indisputably the first in wealth and general magnificence of all the Sicilian holy places. The city extends along the hill under the actual summit, the ascent to it being very long and steep on all sides. He garrisoned the summit and also the approach from Drepana, and jealously guarded both these positions, especially the latter, in the conviction that by this means he would securely hold the city and the whole mountain.

 
1 - 56 247-244. Occupation of Hercte by Hamilcar.

The Carthaginians shortly afterwards appointed Hamilcar surnamed Barcas to the command and entrusted naval operations to him. He started with the fleet to ravage the Italian coast (this, I should say, was in the eighteenth year of the war) and after laying waste Locris and the Bruttii quitted those parts and descended with his whole fleet on the territory of Panormus. Here he seized on a place called Hercte lying near the sea between Eryx and Panormus, and thought to possess peculiar advantages for the safe and prolonged stay of an army. It is an abrupt hill rising to a considerable height from the surrounding flat country. The circumference of its brow is not less than a hundred stades and the plateau within affords good pasturage and is suitable for cultivation, being also favourably exposed to the sea-breeze and quite free of animals dangerous to life. On the side looking to the sea and on that which faces the interior of the island, this plateau is surrounded by inaccessible cliffs, while the parts between require only a little slight strengthening. There is also a knoll on it which serves for an acropolis as well as for an excellent post of observation over the country at the foot of the hill. Besides this Hercte commands a harbour very well situated for ships making the voyage from Drepana and Lilybaeum to Italy to put in at, and with an abundant supply of water.  The hill has only three approaches, all difficult, two on the land side and one from the sea. Here Hamilcar established his quarters, at great risk indeed, since he had neither the support of any of their towns nor any prospect of support from elsewhere, but had thrown himself into the midst of the enemy. Notwithstanding this, the peril to which he put the Romans, and the combats to which he forced them, were by no means slight or insignificant. For in the first place he would sally out with his fleet from this place, and devastate the coast of Italy as far as Cumae, and next, after the Romans had taken up a position on land in front of the city of Panormus and at a distance of about five stades from his own camp, he harassed them by delivering during almost three years constant and variously contrived attacks by land. These combats I am unable to describe in detail here.

 
1 - 57 Boxer Analogy

For as in a boxing-match when two champions, both distinguished for pluck and both in perfect training, meet in the decisive contest for the prize, continually delivering blow for blow, neither the combatants themselves nor the spectators can note or anticipate every attack or every blow, but it is possible, from the general action of each, and the determination that each displays, to get a fair idea of their respective skill, strength, and courage, so it was with these two generals. The causes or the modes of their daily ambuscades, counter-ambuscades, attempts, and assaults were so numerous that no writer could properly describe them, while at the same time the narrative would be most tedious as well as unprofitable to the reader. It is rather by a general pronouncement about the two men and the result of their rival efforts that a notion of the facts can be conveyed. Nothing was neglected; neither traditional tactics nor plans suggested by the occasion and by actual pressure of circumstances, nor those strokes which depend on a bold and strong initiative. yet there were several reasons why no decisive success could be obtained. For the forces on each side were evenly matched; their trenches were so strong as to be equally unapproachable, and the camps were at a quite small distance from each other, this being the chief reason why there were daily conflicts at certain points, but no decisive engagement. The losses in these combats consisted only of those who fell in the hand-to-hand fighting, while the side which once gave way used to get out of danger at once behind their defences, from which they would issue again and resume the fight.

 
1 - 58 243-242. Siege of Eryx, obstinate persistence of Romans & Carthaginians.

But Fortune, however, like a good umpire, unexpectedly shifted the scene and changed the nature of the contest, confining both in a narrower field, where the struggle grew even more desperate. The Romans, as I said, had garrisons at Eryx on the summit of the mountain and at the foot. Hamilcar now seized the town which lies between the summit and the spot at the foot where the garrison was. The consequence of this was that the Romans on the summit—a thing they had never expected—remained besieged and in considerable peril, and that the Carthaginians, though it is scarcely credible, maintained their position though the enemy were pressing on them from all sides and the conveyance of supplies was not easy, as they only held one place on the sea and one single road connecting with it. However, here again both sides employed every device and effort that the siege demanded: both endured every kind of privation and both essayed every means of attack and every variety of action. At length not, as Fabius Pictor says, owing to their exhaustion and sufferings, but like two uninjured and invincible champions, they left the contest drawn. For before either could get the better of the other, though the struggle in this place lasted for another two years, the war had been decided by other means.

Such then was the condition of affairs at Eryx and as far as regarded land forces. We may compare the spirit displayed by both states to that of game cocks engaged in a death-struggle. For we often see that when these birds have lost the use of their wings from exhaustion, their courage remains as high as ever and they continue to strike blow upon blow, until closing involuntarily they get a hold of each other, and as soon as this happens one or the other of the two will soon fall dead. So the Romans and the Carthaginians, worn out by their exertions owing to the continual fighting, at length began to be despairing, their strength paralysed and their resources exhausted by protracted taxation and expense.

 
1 - 59 242. Romans once more fit out a fleet. Coss. C. Lutatius Catulus, A. Postumius Albinus.
But, in spite of all, the Romans, as if fighting for their lives, although they had for nearly five years utterly withdrawn from the sea owing to the disasters and their belief that they would be able to decide the war by the aid of their land forces alone, now, when they saw that chiefly owing to the bold action of the Carthaginian general they were not making the progress on which they had reckoned, decided for the third time to court the prospect of using sea-forces. They thought that this course, if they could but strike a deadly blow, was the only way of bringing the war to a favourable conclusion. And this they finally accomplished. It was yielding to the blows of Fortune that they had retired from the sea on the first occasion; the second time it was owing to their defeat at Drepana, but now they made this third attempt, and through it, by gaining a victory and cutting off the supplies from the sea of the Carthaginian army at Eryx, they put an end to the whole war. The attempt was indeed of the nature of a struggle for existence. For there were no funds in the public treasury for this purpose; but yet, owing to the patriotic and generous spirit of the leading citizens, enough was found to carry out the project; as either one, two, or three of them, according to their means, undertook to provide a quinquereme fully equipped on the understanding that they would be repaid if all went well. In this way a fleet of two hundred quinqueremes was rapidly got ready, all built on the model of the “Rhodian’s” ship. They then appointed Gaius Lutatius to the command and dispatched him at the beginning of summer. Suddenly appearing off the coast of Sicily, he seized on the harbour of Drepana and the road-steads near Lilybaeum, the whole Carthaginian navy having retired to their own country. First of all he constructed works round the city of Drepana and made all preparations for its siege, but while continuing to prosecute this by every means in his power, he foresaw that the Carthaginian fleet would arrive, and was not forgetful of the original motive of the expedition, the belief that it was only by a sea battle that the war could be decisively finished. He did not, then, allow the time to pass uselessly and idly, but every day was spent in exercising and practising the crews properly for this purpose. He also paid unremitting attention to the matter of good food and drink, so that in a very short time he got his sailors into perfect condition for the anticipated battle.
 
1 - 60 Carthaginians send Hanno with a fleet. 10th March   24A strong breeze is blowing. Lutatius however decides to fight.

When the unexpected news reached Carthage that the Romans were at sea with a fleet and were again disputing the naval supremacy, they at once got their ships ready, and filling them with corn and other provisions, dispatched their fleet on its errand, desiring that the troops at Eryx should be in no need of necessary supplies. Hanno, whom they appointed to command the naval force, set sail and reached the so-called Holy Isle from whence he designed to cross as soon as possible to Eryx, unobserved by the enemy, and, after lightening the ships by disembarking the supplies, to take on board as marines the best qualified mercenaries together with Barcas himself and then engage the enemy. Lutatius, learning of Hanno’s arrival and divining his intentions, took on board a picked force from the army and sailed to the island of Aegusa which lies off Lilybaeum. There, after exhorting his troops as became the occasion, he informed the captains that the battle would take place next day. In the early morning, just as day was breaking, he saw that a brisk breeze was coming down favourable to the enemy, but that it had become difficult for himself to sail up against the wing, the sea being too heavy and rough. At first he hesitated much what to do under the circumstances, but reflected that if he risked an attack now that the weather was stormy, he would be fighting against Hanno and the naval forces alone and also against heavily laden ships, whereas if he waited for calm weather and by his delay allowed the enemy to cross and join the army, he would have to face ships now lightened and manageable as well as the pick of the land forces and above all the bravery of Hamilcar which was what they dreaded most at that time. He therefore decided not to let the present opportunity slip. When he saw the Carthaginian ships under full sail he at once got under weigh. As his crews easily mastered the waves owing to their good training, he soon brought his fleet into a single line with their prows to the enemy.

 
1 - 61 Battle of Aegusa. Victory of Romans.

The Carthaginians, seeing that the Romans were intercepting their crossing, lowered their masts and cheering each other in each ship closed with the enemy. As the outfit of each force was just the reverse of what it had been at the battle of Drepana, the result also was naturally the reverse for each. The Romans had reformed their system of shipbuilding and had also put ashore all heavy material except what was required for the battle; their crews rendered excellent service, as their training had got them well together, and the marines they had were men selected from the army for their steadfastness. With the Carthaginians it was just the opposite. Their ships, being loaded, were not in a serviceable condition for battle, while the crews were quite untrained, and had been put on board for the emergency, and their marines were recent levies whose first experience of the least hardship and danger this was. The fact is that, owing to their never having experienced the Romans to dispute the sea with them again, they had, in contempt for them, neglected their naval force. So that immediately on engaging they had the worst in many parts of the battle and were soon routed, fifty ships being sunk and seventy captured with their crews. The remainder raising their masts and finding a fair wind got back to the Holy Isle, very fortunate in the wind having unexpectedly gone round and helping them just when they required it. As for the Roman Consul, he sailed away to Lilybaeum and the legions, and there occupied himself with the disposal of the captured ships and men, a business of some magnitude, as the prisoners made in the battle numbered very nearly ten thousand.

 
1 - 62 242. Barcas makes terms. treaty, 

Even on hearing of this unexpected defeat of the Carthaginians, had they let themselves be guided by passion and ambition, would readily have continued the war, but when it came to a matter of cool calculation they were quite at a loss. For one thing they were no longer able to send supplies to their forces in Sicily as the enemy commanded the sea, and if they abandoned and in a manner betrayed them, they had neither other men nor other leaders with whom to pursue the war. They therefore at once sent a message to Barcas giving him full powers to deal with the situation. Hamilcar acted thoroughly like the good and prudent leader he was. As long as there had been some reasonable hope in the situation he had left no means, however perilous and venturesome it seemed, unemployed, and if there ever was a general who put to proof in a war every chance of success, it was he. But now that fortunes were reversed and there was no reasonable prospect left of saving the troops under his command, he showed his practical good sense in yielding to circumstance and sending an embassy to treat for peace. For our opinion should be that a general ought to be qualified to discern both when he is victorious and when he is beaten. Lutatius readily consented to negotiate, conscious as he was that the Romans were by this time worn out and enfeebled by the war, and he succeeded in putting an end to the contest by a treaty more or less as follows.

“There shall be friendship between the Carthaginians and Romans on the following terms if approved by the Roman people. The Carthaginians to evacuate the whole of Sicily and not to make war on Hiero or bear arms against the Syracusans or the allies of the Syracusans. The Carthaginians to give up to the Romans all prisoners without ransom. The Carthaginians to pay to the Romans by instalments in twenty years two thousand two hundred Euboean talents.”
 
1 - 63 Greatness of war.

But when these terms were referred to Rome, the people did not accept the treaty, but sent ten commissioners to examine the matter. On their arrival they made no substantial changes in the terms, but only slight modifications rendering them more severe for Carthage: for they reduced the term of payment by one half, added a thousand talents to the indemnity, and demanded the evacuation by the Carthaginians of all islands lying between Sicily and Italy.

Such then was the end of the war between the Romans and Carthaginians for the possession of Sicily, and such were the terms of peace. It had lasted without a break for twenty-four years and is the longest, most unintermittent, and greatest war we know of. Apart from all the other battles and armaments, the total naval forces engaged were, as I mentioned above, on one occasion more than five hundred quinqueremes and on a subsequent one very nearly seven hundred. Moreover the Romans lost in this war about seven hundred quinqueremes, inclusive of those that perished in the shipwrecks, and the Carthaginians about five hundred. So that those who marvel at the great sea-battles and great fleets of an Antigonus, a Ptolemy, or a Demetrius would, if I mistake not, on inquiring into the history of this war, be much astonished at the huge scale of operations. Again, if we take into consideration the difference between quinqueremes and the triremes in which the Persians fought against the Greeks and the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians against each other, we shall find that no forces of such magnitude ever met at sea. This confirms the assertion I ventured to make at the outset that the progress of the Romans was not due to chance and was not involuntary, as some among the Greeks choose to think, but that by schooling themselves in such vast and perilous enterprises it was perfectly natural that they not only gained the courage to aim at universal dominion, but executed their purpose.

 
1 - 64 Why see travel is difficult.

Some of my readers will wonder what can be the reason why, now that they are masters of the world and far more puissant than formerly, they could neither man so many ships, nor put to sea with such large fleets. Those, however, who are puzzled by this, will be enabled to understand the reason clearly when we come to deal with their political institutions, a subject not to be treated incidentally by the writer or followed inattentively by the reader. It offers a noble spectacle and one almost wholly unrevealed hitherto, owing to the incompetence of the authors who have dealt with it, some of whom sinned from lack of knowledge, while the account given by others is wanting in clearness and entirely unprofitable. As regards, however, the war of which we are speaking, one will find its purpose and prosecution on the part of the two state equally characterized on both sides by enterprise, by lofty spirit, and above all by ambition for supremacy. In individual courage indeed the Romans were far superior on the whole, but the general to whom the palm must be given both for daring and for genius is Hamilcar called Barcas, the actual father of that Hannibal who afterwards made war on the Romans.

 
1 - 65 241 War between Rome & Falerii. mercenary war

Shortly after this treaty it so happened that both states found themselves placed in circumstances peculiarly similar. For at Rome there followed civil war against the Falisci, but this they brought to a speedy and favourable conclusion, taking Falerii in a few days. But the war the Carthaginians had to face was no little or contemptible one, being against their mercenaries, the Numidians and those Libyans who joined in the revolt. In this war they encountered many great perils and finally were in danger of losing not only their territory, but their own liberty and the soil of their native town. For several reasons I think it worth my while to dwell on this war, and, according to the plan I stated at the outset, to give a summary and brief narrative of it. In the first place one could not indicate a better illustration of the nature and character of what is vulgarly known as a truceless war than the circumstances of this one, and secondly one can see very clearly from all that took place what kind of dangers those who employ mercenary forces should foresee and take early precautions to avert, as well as in what lies the great difference of character between a confused herd of barbarians and men who have been brought up in an educated, law-abiding, and civilized community. But the most important thing is that from the events of that period one can get an idea of the causes of the Hannibalic war between the Romans and the Carthaginians. As it is still a matter of dispute, not only among historians, but among the combatants, what were the actual causes of this latter war, it will be useful to students of history if I lay before them the expectation that is nearest to the truth.

 
1 - 66 Evacuation of Sicily. mercenaries sent to Sicca.

It is this. When, at once on the conclusion of the treaty, Barcas had transferred his forces from Eryx to Lilybaeum he immediately resigned his command, and Gesco the commandant there took steps for sending the troops over to Africa. Foreseeing what was likely to happen, he very wisely embarked them in detachments and at certain intervals in order to give the Carthaginians time to pay them their arrears as they arrived and to pack them off to their own countries before the next batch that crossed could catch them up. Such was the idea Gesco had, and he managed to dispatch the troops in this manner, but the Carthaginians partly because, owing to their recent outlay, they were not very well off for money, and partly because they were convinced that the mercenaries would let them off part of their arrears of pay, once they had got them all collected in Carthage, detained there them on their arrival in this hope, confining them to the city. As they committed frequent offences there both by night and by day, the government in the first place, suspicious of their numbers and their present licentious spirit, asked their commanding officers, until arrangements had been made for paying them in full and those who were still missing had arrived, to withdraw them all to a town called Sicca, each man receiving a gold stater for pressing expenses. The troops readily consented to leave the capital, but wished to leave their baggage there, as they had formerly done, thinking that they would be soon returning to be paid off. The Carthaginians, however, were afraid lest, longing to be with their wives and children after their recent protracted absence, they might in many cases refuse to leave Carthage, or, if they did, would come back again to their families, so that there would be no decrease of outrages in the city. In anticipation then of this, they compelled the men, much against their will and in a manner calculated to cause much offence, to take their baggage with them. The mercenaries, when assembled in Sicca, lived in a free and easy manner, having not enjoyed for a long time relaxation of discipline and leisure, things most prejudicial to a force raised abroad, and nearly always the very arch-instigators and sole causes of mutiny. At the same time, as they had nothing else to do, some of them began reckoning up the total pay due to them, all to their own advantage, and having arrived at a most exorbitant result, submitted that this was the sum they should demand from the Carthaginians. The whole force remembered the promises the generals had made to them in critical situations, and had great hopes and indeed quite expected that the government would thus correct in their favour the account of the sum they had earned.

 
1 - 67 241 Beginning of outbreak

The consequence was that when the total force was assembled in Sicca, and when Hanno, who was then commander-in-chief of Africa, came there and not only said that it was impossible to meet their claims and fulfil their hopes, but on the contrary tried by dwelling on the present heavy taxation and general distress of Carthage to induce them to renounce some of their stipulated wage, it produced at once a spirit of dissension and sedition, and the soldiers began to hold constant meetings, sometimes of particular nations and sometimes general. As they were neither all of the same nationality nor spoke the same language, the camp was full of confusion and tumult and what is known as τύρβη or turbulence. For the Carthaginian practice of employing hired troops of various nationalities is indeed well calculated to prevent them from combining rapidly in acts of insubordination or disrespect to their officers, but in cases of an outburst of anger or of slanderous rumours or disaffection it is most prejudicial to all efforts to convey the truth to them, to calm their passions, or to show the ignorant their error. Indeed, such forces, when once their anger is aroused against anyone, or slander spreads among them, are not content with mere human wickedness, but end by becoming like wild beasts or men deranged, as happened in the present case. Some of these troops were Iberians, some Celts, some Ligurians, and some from the Balearic Islands; there were a good many Greek half-breeds, mostly deserters and slaves, but the largest portion consisted of Libyans. It was therefore impossible to assemble them and address them as a body or to do so by any other means; for how could any general be expected to know all their languages? And again to address them through several interpreters, repeating the same thing four or five times, was, if anything, more impracticable. The only means was to make demands or entreaties through their officers, as Hanno continued to attempt on the present occasion, and even these did not understand all that was told them, or at times, after seeming to agree with the general, addressed their troops in just the opposite sense either from ignorance or from malice. The consequence was that everything was in a state of uncertainty, mistrust and confusion. For one thing, they thought the Carthaginians had acted purposely in not communicating with them through the generals who were acquainted with their performances in Sicily and who had made them the promises of bounties, but in sending one who had not been present on any of those occasions. At length, then, refusing to treat with Hanno, thoroughly distrusting their divisional officers, and highly indignant with the Carthaginians, they marched on the capital and encamped at a distance of about one hundred and twenty stades from Carthage at the place called Tunis. They were more than twenty thousand in number.

 
1 - 68 mercenaries at Tunes. Attempts to pacify them. demands of mercenaries.The dispute referred to arbitration of Gesco.

Now, when there was no mending, it was brought home to the Carthaginians how blind they had been. For they had committed two great mistakes. The first was in collecting at one place so large a body of mercenaries while themselves they could hope for nothing from the fighting power of their civic force. Their second error was even more serious, to let out of their hands the women and children of the mercenaries as well as their movables, all which would have served as hostages, giving themselves greater security in their deliberations about the circumstances and ensuring a more favourable reception for their demands. Still now, in their alarm at the troops encamping so near, they were ready to put up with anything in their eagerness to propitiate them, sending out lavish supplies of provisions which they sold to them at any price they chose to pay and constantly dispatching envoys from the Senate, promising to meet all their demands as far as it was in their power. These increased daily, the mercenaries continuing to invent new claims, gaining confidence as they witnessed the terror and cowardice of the Carthaginians, and being convinced in their arrogance, owing to their success in Sicily against the Roman legions, that not only the Carthaginians, but any other people in the world would not readily face them in arms. When, therefore, the Carthaginians had agreed to their claims for pay, they went a step further and asked for the value of the horses they had lost. This also was conceded, whereupon they maintained that they ought to get the value of the rations of corn due to them for a considerable time at the highest price corn had stood during the war. In short they always went on devising some new claim, putting off matters so as to make it impossible to come to terms, a great many of them being disaffected and mutinous. However, on the Carthaginians promising to concede everything in their power, they agreed to refer the disputed points to one of the generals who had been present in Sicily. Now to Hamilcar Barcas, with whom they had served there, they were ill disposed, thinking that it was largely his fault that they had been slighted, since he never came himself as an envoy to them and was believed to have resigned his command voluntarily. But being very favourably inclined to Gesco, who had been general in Sicily and had been full of attention to them in other matters and in that of their transport, they submitted the points in dispute to him.

 
1 - 69 Spendius. Mathōs. Spendius & Mathōs cause an outbreak.

Gesco, on reaching Tunis by sea bringing the money, at first conferred privately with the officers, and subsequently held meetings of the troops according to their nationalities. He rebuked them for their past conduct, attempted to enlighten them about the present, but most of all dwelt on the future, begging them to show themselves well-disposed to those in whose pay they had been from the outset. Finally he proceeded to discharge their arrears, paying off each nationality separately. There was a certain Campanian, a runaway Roman slave, called Spendius, a man of great physical strength and remarkable courage in war. He was afraid of his master coming to claim him, when, if given up, he would by Roman law be tortured and put to death. He therefore hesitated at nothing in his endeavour both by speech and action to break off the negotiations with the Carthaginians. He was supported by a Libyan called Mathos, who was indeed a freeman and a member of the force, but had taken a leading part in the late disturbances. Consequently he stood in great fear of being singled out to bear the whole penalty and therefore was of one mind with Spendius. Taking the Libyans aside, he pointed out to them that when the other nations departed to their own countries after being paid off, they would be left to bear the whole weight of the wrath of the Carthaginians, whose object it would be by the punishment they inflicted on them to terrorize all their Libyan subjects. The men were soon stirred by such arguments, and availing themselves of the slender pretext that Gesco while discharging their pay postponed the compensation for the horses and corn, they at once held a meeting. When Spendius and Mathos began to traduce and accuse Gesco and the Carthaginians, they were all ears, and listened with great attention, but if anyone else came forward to offer an opinion, they did not even wait to find out if he were going to speak in favour of Spendius or against him, but at once stoned him to death. Numbers both of the officers and privates perished thus in the different meetings, and in fact this phrase “Stone him” was the only one that became intelligible to all the different nations, owing to the frequency of the act. They used to behave thus mostly when they held meetings after their morning meal in a drunken condition, so that the moment anyone called out “Stone him,” the stones flew from all sides and so quickly that it was impossible for anyone who once came forward to address them to escape. As for this reason no one dared any longer to express an opinion, they appointed Mathos and Spendius Generals.

 
1 - 70 240. Gesco & his staff seized & thrown into chains.

Gesco saw how complete was the disorganization and disturbance, but valuing more than anything the interest of his country and foreseeing that if these troops became utterly deaf to all considerations of humanity, Carthage would evidently be in the gravest danger, he persisted, at great personal risk, in his conciliatory efforts, sometimes conferring privately with their officers, and at other times summoning and addressing meetings of the separate nations. The Libyans, however, had not yet received their pay, and considering it overdue, came to him to demand it in a very insolent manner, when Gesco, thinking to rebuke their presumption, told them to go and ask Mathos their “General” for it. This aroused their anger to such a pitch, that without a moment’s delay they, first of all, seized on what money they could lay their hands on and next arrested Gesco and the Carthaginians who were with him. As for Mathos and Spendius, thinking that the most expeditions means of setting war ablaze would be to commit some violation of law or good faith, they co-operated in the excesses of the soldiery, plundering the personal effects as well as the money-chests of the Carthaginians, and after subjecting Gesco and those with him to the outrage of putting them up in fetters, gave them into custody. From this time forward they were at open war with Carthage, having bound themselves by certain impious oaths contrary to the principles recognized by all mankind.

Such then was the origin and beginning of the war against the mercenaries, generally known as the Libyan war. Mathos, having so far carried out his purpose, at once sent envoys to the Libyan towns urging them to strike a blow for liberty and imploring their support and practical assistance. Hereupon, when nearly all the Libyans had agreed to join in the revolt against Carthage and willingly contributed troops and supplies, they divided their forces into two and undertook the sieges of Utica and Hippacritae, since these cities had refused to participate in the rebellion.

 
1 - 71 Despair at Carthage.

The Carthaginians had ever been accustomed to depend for their private supplies on the produce of the country, their public expenses for armaments and commissariat had been met by the revenue they derived from Libya, and they had always been in the habit of employing hired soldiers. At the present moment not only did they find themselves deprived of all these resources at one blow, but actually saw them turned against themselves. Consequently they fell into a state of utter depression and despondency, things having turned out quite otherwise than they expected. For they had been much worn by the long continued war for Sicily, and had hoped that peace would procure them some rest and a grateful period of tranquillity, and what happened was just the reverse, as they were now threatened by the outbreak of a greater and more formidable war. In the former case they were disputing the dominion of Sicily with the Romans, but now, with a civil war on their hands, they were about to fight for their own existence and that of their native city. Besides neither had they a sufficient supply of arms, nor a proper navy, nor the material left to construct one, so many had been the battles in which they had been engaged at sea. They had not even the means of providing supplies and not a single hope of external assistance from friends or allies. So it was now that they thoroughly realized how great is the difference between a war waged against a foreign state carried on over sea and civil discord and disturbance.

 
1 - 72 Revolt of country people.

They had chiefly themselves to thank for all these grievous mischances. During the former war they had thought themselves reasonably justified in making their government of the Libyans very harsh. They had exacted from the peasantry, without exception, half of their crops, and had doubled the taxation of the townsmen without allowing exemption from any tax or even a partial abatement to the poor. They had applauded and honoured not those governors who treated the people with gentleness and humility, but those who procured for Carthage the largest amount of supplies and stores and used the country people most harshly—Hanno for example. The consequence was that the male population required no incitement to revolt—a mere messenger was sufficient—while the women, who had constantly witnessed the arrest of their husbands and fathers for non-payment of taxes, solemnly bound themselves by oath in each city to conceal none of their belongings, and stripping themselves of their jewels contributed them ungrudgingly to the war fund. Mathos and Spendius were thus so well off that not only could they pay the soldiers their arrears, as they had promised in inciting them to mutiny, but found themselves furnished with ample means for a protracted war. This teaches us that it is the right policy not only to look to the present, but to look forward still more attentively to the future.

 
1 - 73 Hanno’s management of war.

Yet, although the Carthaginians were in such straits, they first of all appointed Hanno to the command, as he had, they thought, on a former occasion brought matters concerning Hecatompylus in Libya to a satisfactory conclusion; they next busied themselves with enrolling mercenaries and arming the citizens of military age. They also mustered and drilled their civic cavalry and got ready what ships they had left, consisting of triremes, quinqueremes and the largest of their skiffs. Meanwhile Mathos, when about seventy thousand Libyans had joined him, divided them into several forces with which he maintained unmolested the sieges of Utica and Hippacritae, secured his main camp at Tunis and thus shut out the Carthaginians from all outer Libya. Carthage, I should explain, lies in a gulf, on a promontory or peninsula surrounded mostly by the sea and in party by a lake. The isthmus which connects it with Libya is about twenty-five stades in width and on the side of this isthmus which faces the sea, at no great distance from the capital, lies Utica, while Tunis is on the other side by the lake. So that the mutineers, encamped now as they were before both of these towns and thus shutting off Carthage from the land, continued to threaten the capital itself, appearing before the walls sometimes by day and sometimes by night and creating the utmost terror and commotion within.

 
1 - 74 Fails to relieve Utica. Hanno’s continued ill success.

Hanno was doing fairly well in the matter of outfit, his talent lying in that direction, but when it came to taking the field with his forces, he was another man. He had no idea how to avail himself of opportunities and generally showed an entire lack of experience and energy. It was then that, as regards Utica, he began by coming to the help of the besieged and terrifying the enemy by his strong force of elephants, of which he had no less than a hundred; but when, in consequence of this, he had a chance of gaining a decisive success, he made such poor use of his advantage that he very nearly brought a catastrophe on the besieged, as well as on himself. For bringing from Carthage catapults, missiles and all requirements for a siege and encamping before the city he undertook the assault of the enemy’s entrenched camp. When the elephants forced their way into the camp, the enemy unable to face the weight of their attack all evacuated it. Many of them were mangled and killed by the elephants, but those who escaped rallied on a steep hill overgrown with brushwood, relying on the natural security of the position. Hanno had been accustomed to fight with Numidians and Libyans, who once they gave way continue their flight for two or three days, trying to get as far away as possible. Thinking then, on the present occasion too, that the war was over and he had secured a complete victory he took no precaution for the safety of his army and camp, but entered the city and occupied himself with the care of his person. The mercenaries, who had rallied on the hill, were men schooled in the daring tactics of Barcas and accustomed from their fighting in Sicily to make in one day repeated retirements followed by fresh attacks. At present, on seeing that the general was absent in the city, while the troops were at their ease owing to their success and streaming out of their camp, they drew themselves up and attacked the camp, putting many to the sword and compelling the rest to take refuge ignominiously under the walls and at the gates. They captured all the baggage and all the artillery of the besieged, which Hanno had brought out of the town and added to his own, thus putting it in the enemy’s hands. This was not the only occasion on which he acted so negligently, but a few days later at a place called Gorza, when the enemy were encamped opposite him and owing to their proximity he had four opportunities of beating them, twice in a pitched battle and twice by a surprise attack, he is said in each case to have thrown them away by his heedlessness and lack of judgement.

 
1 - 75 Hamilcar Barcas takes command. He gets his men across Macaras.

The Carthaginians, in consequence, seeing that he was mismanaging matters, again appointed Hamilcar Barcas to the command and dispatched him to the war on hand, giving him seventy elephants, all the additional mercenaries they had been able to collect, and the deserters from the enemy, besides their burgher forces, horse and foot, so that in all he had about ten thousand men. Hamilcar, on his very first expedition, struck terror into the enemy by the unexpectedness of his attack, cowing their spirit, raising the siege of Utica, and showing himself worthy of his past exploits and of the high expectations of the populace. What he accomplished in this campaign was as follows. On the neck of land connecting Carthage with Libya is a chain of hills difficult of access and with several passes to the country artificially cut in them. Mathos had posted guards in all those spots which were favourable for the passage of the hills. In addition to this there is a river called Macaras which shuts off in certain places the access from the town to the country. This river is for the most part unfordable owing to the volume of water, and there is only one bridge, which Mathos had also secured, building a town at the bridge-head. So that not only was it impossible for the Carthaginians to reach the country with an army, but it was not even an easy matter for single persons wishing to get through to elude the vigilance of the enemy. Hamilcar, seeing all these obstacles, after passing in review every means and every chance of surmounting this difficulty about a passage, thought of the following plan. He had noticed that when the wind blew strongly from certain quarters the mouth of the river got silted up and the passage became shallow just where it falls into the sea. He therefore got his force ready to march out, and keeping his project to himself, waited for this to occur. When the right time came he started from Carthage at night, and without anyone noticing him, had by daybreak got his army across at the place mentioned. Both those in the city and the enemy were taken by surprise, and Hamilcar advanced through the plain making for the guardians of the bridge.

 
1 - 76 & defeats Spendius.

Spendius, on learning what had happened, put his two forces in movement to meet in the plain and render mutual assistance to each other, those from the town near the bridge being not less than ten thousand in number and those from Utica over fifteen thousand. When they got in sight of each other, thinking that they had caught the Carthaginians in a trap between them, they exhorted each other with loud shouts and engaged the enemy. Hamilcar was advancing in the following order. In front were the elephants, after them the cavalry and light-armed troops and last of all the heavy-armed. When he saw that the enemy were attacking him in such precipitation he ordered his whole force to face about. He bade those in front, after facing about, retire with all speed, and reversing the order of those who originally were in the rear he deployed them to await the onslaught of the enemy. The Libyans and mercenaries, thinking that the Carthaginians were afraid of them and retreating, broke their ranks and closed with them vigorously. But when the cavalry, on approaching the line of hoplites, wheeled round again and faced the Libyans, while at the same time the remainder of the Carthaginian army was coming up, the enemy were so much surprised that they at once turned and fled panic-stricken, in the same loose order and confusion in which they had advanced. Consequently some of them came into collision with their comrades who were advancing in their rear with disastrous effect, causing the destruction both of themselves and the latter, but the larger number were trampled to death, the cavalry and elephants attacking them at close quarters. About six thousand Libyans and mercenaries fell and nearly two thousand were made prisoners. The rest escaped, some to the town by the bridge and some to the camp before Utica. Hamilcar, successful in this fashion, followed closely on the retreating enemy and took by assault the town by the bridge, the enemy in it deserting it and flying to Tunis. He next traversed the rest of the country, winning over some towns and taking others by assault. He thus restored some confidence and courage to the Carthaginians, delivering them in a measure from their previous despondency.

 
1 - 77 Mathōs harasses Hamilcar’s march.

Mathos for his own part continued to prosecute the siege of Hippacritae, advising Autaritus, the leader of the Gauls, and Spendius to harass the enemy, keeping away from the plains owing to the numbers of the cavalry and elephants opposed to them but marching along the foothills parallel to the Carthaginians and descending on them whenever they were on difficult ground. While adopting this plan he at the same time sent messages to the Numidians and Libyans, begging them to come to his assistance and not lose the chance of gaining their freedom. Spendius, taking with him from Tunis a force of about six thousand men in all drawn from all the tribes, advanced along the slopes parallel to the Carthaginians. He had also with him Autaritus and his Gauls numbering only about two thousand, the rest of the original corp having deserted to the Romans when encamped near Eryx. Hamilcar had established his camp in a plain surrounded by mountains, and just at this time Spendius was joined by the Numidian and Libyan reinforcements. The Carthaginians, suddenly finding the additional force of Libyans in their front, were in a very difficult situation, from which it was not easy to extricate themselves.

 
1 - 78 Hamilcar is joined by Numidian Narávas. Again defeats Spendius.

There was a certain Naravas, a Numidian of high rank and full of martial spirit. He had always had that attachment to the Carthaginians which was traditional in his family, and it was now strengthened by his admiration for Hamilcar. Thinking that this was a favourable opportunity for meeting Hamilcar and introducing himself, he rode up to the camp escorted by about a hundred Numidians. Coming close to the palisade he remained there quite fearlessly making signals with his hand. Hamilcar wondered what his object could be and sent out a horseman to meet him, when he said he desired an interview with the general. The Carthaginian leader remaining still much amazed and distrustful, Naravas handed over his horse and spears to his attendants, and very boldly came into the camp unarmed. The Carthaginians looked on in mixed admiration and amazement at his daring, but they met and received him, and when he was admitted to the interview, he said that he wished all the Carthaginians well but particularly desired the friendship of Barcas, and this was why he had come to introduce himself and offer his cordial assistance in all actions and enterprises. Hamilcar, on hearing this, was so delighted at the young man’s courage in coming to him and his simple frankness at their interview that not only did he consent to associate him in his undertakings but swore to give him his daughter in marriage if he remained loyal to Carthage.

The agreement having thus been made, Naravas came in with the Numidians under his command, about two thousand in number, and Hamilcar, thus reinforced, offered battle owing to the enemy. Spendius, after effecting a junction with the Libyans, descended into the plain and attacked the Carthaginians. The battle was a stubborn one, but ended in the victory of Hamilcar, he elephants fighting well and Naravas rendering brilliant services. Autaritus and Spendius escaped, but with the loss of about ten thousand killed and four thousand prisoners. After the victory Hamilcar gave permission to those of the prisoners who chose to join his own army, arming them with the spoils of the fallen enemies; those who were willing to do so he collected and addressed saying that up to now he pardoned their offences, and therefore they were free to go their several ways, wherever each man chose, but in future he threatened that if any of them bore arms against Carthage he would if captured meet with inevitable punishment.

 
1 - 79  239. Mutiny in Sardinia. Plan of Spendius for doing away with good impression made by leniency of Barcas.

About the same time the mercenaries who garrisoned Sardinia, emulous of the exploits of Mathos and Spendius, attacked the Carthaginians in the island. They began by shutting up in the citadel and putting to death Bostar, the commander of the foreign contingent, and his compatriots. Next, when the Carthaginians sent Hanno over in command of a fresh force, this force deserted him and joined the mutineers, who thereupon took him prisoner and at once crucified him. After this, devising the most exquisite torments, they tortured and murdered all the Carthaginians in the island, and when they had got all the towns into their power continued to hold forcible possession of Sardinia, until they quarrelled with the natives, and were driven out by them to Italy. Thus was Sardinia lost to the Carthaginians, an island of great extent, most thickly populated and most fertile. Most authors have described it at length, and I do not think it necessary to repeat statements which no one disputes.

Mathos and Spendius, as well as the Gaul Autaritus, were apprehensive of the effect of Hamilcar’s leniency to the prisoners, fearing that the Libyans and the greater part of the mercenaries might thus be won over and hasten to avail themselves of the proffered immunity. They therefore set themselves to devise some infamous crime which would make the hatred of the troops for Carthage more savage. They decided to call a general meeting and at this they introduced a letter-bearer supposed to have been sent by their confederates in Sardinia. The letter advised them to keep careful guard over Gesco and all the others whom they had, as above narrated, treacherously arrested at Tunis, since some persons in the camp were negotiating with the Carthaginians about their release. Spendius, seizing on this pretext, begged them in the first place to have no reliance on the Carthaginian general’s reported clemency to the prisoners. “It is not,” he said, “with the intention of sparing their lives that he has taken this course regarding his captives, but by releasing them he designs to get us into his power, so that he may take vengeance not on some, but on all of us who trust him.” Moreover, he warned them to take care lest by giving up Gesco and the others they incur the contempt of their enemies and seriously damage their own situation by allowing to escape them so able a man and so good a general, who was sure to become their most formidable enemy. He had not finished his speech when in came another post supposed to be from Tunis with a message similar to that from Sardinia.

 
1 - 80 Murder of Gesco.

Autaritus the Gaul was the next speaker. He said that their only hope of safety for them was to abandon all reliance on the Carthaginians. Whoever continued to look forward to clemency from them could be no true ally of their own. Therefore he asked them to trust those, to give a hearing to those, to attend to those only who bring the most hateful and bitterest accusations against the Carthaginians, and to regard speakers on the other side as traitors and enemies. Finally, he recommended them to torture and put to death not only Gesco and those arrested with him, but all the Carthaginians they had subsequently taken prisoners. He was much the most effective speaker in their councils, because a number of them could understand him. He had been a long time in the service and had learned Phoenician, a language which had become more or less agreeable to their ears owing to the length of the previous war. His speech therefore met with universal approbation, and he retired from the platform amid applause. Numerous speakers from each nationality now came forward all together, maintaining that the prisoners should be spared at least the infliction of torture in view of Gesco’s previous kindness to them. Nothing, however, they said was intelligible, as they were all speaking together and each stating his views in his own language. But the moment it was disclosed that they were begging for a remission of the sentence someone among the audience called out “Stone them,” and they instantly stoned all the speakers to death. These unfortunates, mangled as if by wild beasts, were carried off for burial by their friends. Spendius and his men then led out from the camp Gesco and the other prisoners, in all about seven hundred. Taking them a short distance away, they first of all cut off their hands, beginning with Gesco, that very Gesco whom a short time previously they had selected from all the Carthaginians, proclaiming him their benefactor and referring the points in dispute to him. After cutting off the hands they cut off the wretched men’s other extremities too, and after thus mutilating them and breaking their legs, threw them still alive into a trench.

 
1 - 81 Carthiginians response.

The Carthaginians, when news came of this unhappy event, could take no action, but their indignation was extreme, and in the heat of it they sent messengers to Hamilcar and their other general Hanno imploring them to come and avenge the unfortunate victims. To the assassins they sent heralds begging that the bodies might be given up to them. Not only was this request refused but the messengers were told to send neither herald nor envoy again, as any who came would meet with the same punishment that had just befallen Gesco. With regard to treatment of prisoners in the future, the mutineers passed a resolution and engaged each other to torture and kill every Carthaginian and send back to the capital with his hands cut off every ally of Carthage, and this practice they continued to observe carefully. No one looking at this would have any hesitation in saying that not only do men’s bodies and certain of the ulcers and tumours afflicting them become so to speak savage and brutalized and quite incurable, but that this is in a much higher degree of their souls. In the case of ulcers, if we treat them, they are sometimes inflamed by the treatment itself and spread more rapidly, while again if we neglect them they continue, in virtue of their own nature, to eat into the flesh and never rest until they have utterly destroyed the tissues beneath. Similarly such malignant lividities and putrid ulcers often grow in the human soul, that no beast becomes at the end more wicked and cruel than man. In the case of men in such a state, if we treat the disease by pardon and kindness, they think we are scheming to betray them or deceive them, and become more mistrustful and hostile to their would-be benefactors, but if, on the contrary, we attempt to cure the evil by retaliation they work up their passions to outrival ours, until there is nothing so abominable or so atrocious that they will not consent to do it, imagining all the while that they are displaying a fine courage. Thus at the end they are utterly brutalized and no longer can be called human beings. Of such a condition the origin and most potent cause lies in bad manners and customs and wrong training from childhood, but there are several contributory ones, the chief of which is habitual violence and unscrupulousness on the part of those in authority over them. All these conditions were present in this mercenary force as a whole and especially in their chiefs.

 
1 - 82 Quarrels of Hanno & Hamilcar. Revolt of Hippo Zarytus & Utica.

This desperation of the enemy made Hamilcar anxious, and he begged Hanno to join him, being convinced that if both armies united, an end would be put sooner to the whole war. Meanwhile he continued to put to the sword those of the enemy who were conquered in the field, while those brought to him captive prisoners he threw to the elephants to be trampled to death, as it was clear to him that the rebellion would never be stamped out until the enemy were utterly exterminated.

The prospects of the Carthaginians in the war now seemed much brighter, but the tide of events suddenly turned completely against them. For when the two generals met, they quarrelled so seriously, that this difference caused them not only to neglect many opportunities of striking a blow at the enemy, but to afford many such to the latter. The Carthaginians perceiving this, ordered one of the two to leave his post and the other to remain in sole command, leaving the choice to the troops. In addition to this they suffered the total loss at sea in a storm, of the supplies they were conveying from the place they called Emporia, supplies on which they entirely relied for their commissariat and other needs. And again, as I said above, they had lost Sardinia, an island which had always been of great service to them in difficult circumstances. The severest blow of all, however, was the defection of Hippacritae and Utica, the only two cities in Libya which had not only bravely faced the present war, but had gallantly held out during the invasion of Agathocles and that of the Romans; indeed they never had on any occasion given the least sign of hostility to Carthage. But now, apart from their unjustifiable defection to the cause of the Libyans, their sympathies so suddenly changed, that they exhibited the greatest friendship and loyalty to the rebels, while beginning to show every symptom of passionate and determined hatred of Carthage. After butchering the troops the Carthaginians had sent to assist them, about five hundred in number, together with their commander, they threw all the bodies from the wall, and surrendered the city to the Libyans. They would not even give the Carthaginians the permission they requested to bury their unfortunate compatriots. Mathos and Spendius in the meantime, elated by these events, undertook the siege of Carthage itself. Barcas had now been joined in the command by Hannibal, the general whom the citizens had dispatched to the army, on the soldiers voting that Hanno should be the one to retire, when the decision was left in their hands by the Carthaginians at the time the two generals had quarrelled. Accompanied then by this Hannibal and by Naravas, Hamilcar scoured the country, intercepting the supplies of Mathos and Spendius, receiving the greatest assistance in this and all other matters from the Numidian Naravas.

Such were the positions of the field forces.

 
1 - 83  Hiero of Syracuse. Friendly disposition of Rome.

The Carthaginians, being shut in on all sides, were obliged to resort to an appeal to the states in alliance with them. Hiero during the whole of the present war had been most prompt in meeting their requests, and was now more complaisant than ever, being convinced that it was in his own interest for securing both his Sicilian dominions and his friendship with the Romans, that Carthage should be preserved, and that the stronger power should not be able to attain its ultimate object entirely without effort. In this he reasoned very wisely and sensibly, for such matters should never be neglected, and we should never contribute to the attainment by one state of a power so preponderant, that none dare dispute with it even for their acknowledged rights. But now the Romans as well as Hiero observed loyally the engagements the treaty imposed on them. At first there had been a slight dispute between the two states for the following reason. The Carthaginians when they captured at sea traders coming from Italy to Libya with supplies for the enemy, brought them into Carthage, and there were now in their prisons as many as five hundred such. The Romans were annoyed at this, but when on sending an embassy, they recovered all the prisoners by diplomatic means, they were so much gratified, that in return they gave back to the Carthaginians all the remaining prisoners from the Sicilian war and henceforth gave prompt and friendly attention to all their requests. They gave permission to their merchants to export all requirements for Carthage, but not for the enemy, and shortly afterwards, when the mercenaries in Sardinia on revolting from Carthage invited them to occupy the island, they refused. Again on the citizens of Utica offering to surrender to them they did not accept, but held to their treaty engagements.

The Carthaginians, then, on thus obtaining assistance from their friends continued to withstand the siege.

 
1 - 84  238. Hamilcar, with assistance from Sicily, surrounds Mathōs & Spendius.

But Mathos and Spendius were just as much in the position of besieged as besiegers. Hamilcar had reduced them to such straits for supplies that they were finally forced to raise the siege. A short time afterwards, collecting a picked force of mercenaries and Libyans to the number of about fifty thousand and including Zarzas the Libyan and those under his command, they trief again their former plan of marching in the open parallel to the enemy and keeping a watch on Hamilcar. They avoided level ground, as they were afraid of the elephants and Naravas’ horse, but they kept on trying to anticipate the enemy in occupying positions on the hills and narrow passes. In this campaign they were quite equal to the enemy in terms of assault and enterprise, but were often worsted owing to their want of tactical skill. This was, it seems, an opportunity for seeing by the light of actual fact, how much the methods gained by experience and the skill of a general, differ from a soldier’s inexperience in the art of war and mere unreasoning routine. For in many partial engagements, Hamilcar, like a good draught-player, by cutting off and surrounding large numbers of the enemy, destroyed them without their resisting, while in the more general battles he would sometimes inflict large loss by enticing them into unsuspected ambuscades and sometimes throw them into panic by appearing when they least expected it by day or by night. All those he captured were thrown to the elephants. Finally, taking them by surprise and encamping opposite to them in a position unfavourable for action on their part but favouring his own strong point—generalship—he brought them to such a pass, that not daring to risk a battle and unable to escape, as they were entirely surrounded by a trench and palisade, they were at last driven by famine to eat each other—a fitting retribution at the hands of Providence for their violation of all law human and divine in their treatment of their neighbours. They did not venture to march out and do battle, as they were faced by the certainty of defeat and condign punishment for all captured, and they did not even think of asking for terms, as they had their evil deeds on their conscience. Always expecting the relief from Tunis that their leaders continued to promise them, there was no crime against themselves that they scrupled to commit.

 
1 - 85 Spendius & Autaritus fall into hands of Hamilcar.

But when they had used up their prisoners in this abominable manner by feeding on them, and had used up their slaves, and no help came from Tunis, and their leaders saw that their persons were in obvious danger owing to the dreadful extremity to which the common soldiers were reduced, Autaritus, Zarzas and Spendius decided to give themselves up to the enemy and discuss terms with Hamilcar. They therefore dispatched a herald, and when they had obtained leave to send envoys, they went, ten in all, to the Carthaginians. The terms Hamilcar made with them were, that the Carthaginians might choose from the enemy any ten they wished, the remainder being free to depart with one tunic apiece. These terms having been agreed to, Hamilcar at once said that by virtue of them he chose the ten envoys. By this means the Carthaginians got into their power Autaritus, Spendius, and the other principal leaders. The Libyans, when they learnt of their officers’ arrest, thought they had been betrayed, as they were ignorant of the treaty, and rushed to arms, but Hamilcar, surrounding them (more than forty thousand) with his elephants and the rest of his forces, cut them all to pieces. This occurred near the place called the Saw; it got its name from the resemblance to the tool so called.

 
1 - 86 Siege of Mathōs in Tunes. Defeat & death of Hannibal.

By this achievement Hamilcar again made the Carthaginians very hopeful of better fortune, although by this time they had nearly given up all for lost. In conjunction with Naravas and Hannibal he now raided the country and its towns. The Libyans in general gave in and went over to them owing to the recent victory, and after reducing most of the cities, the Carthaginians reached Tunis and began to besiege Mathos. Hannibal encamped on the side of the town next Carthage and Hamilcar on the opposite side. Their next step was to take Spendius and all the other prisoners up to the walls and crucify them there in the sight of all. Mathos noticed that Hannibal was guilty of negligence and over-confidence, and attacking his camp, put many Carthaginians to the sword and drove them all out of the camp. All the baggage fell into the rebels’ hands and they made Hannibal himself prisoner. Taking him at once to Spendius’ cross they tortured him cruelly there, and then, taking Spendius down from the cross, they crucified Hannibal alive on it and slew round the body of Spendius thirty Carthaginians of the highest rank. Thus did Fortune, as if it were her design to compare them, give both the belligerents in turn cause and opportunity for inflicting on each other the cruellest punishments. Owing to the distance between the two camps it was some time before Hamilcar heard of the sortie and attack, and even then he was slow to give assistance owing to the difficult nature of the interjacent ground. He therefore broke up his camp before Tunis and on reaching the river Macaras, encamped at its mouth by the seaside.

 
1 - 87  By a final effort Carthaginians raise a reinforcement for Hamilcar. Mathōs beaten & captured.

The suddenness of this reverse took the Carthaginians by surprise, and they became again despondent and low-spirited. It was only the other day that their spirits had begun to revive so they at once fell again. Yet they did not omit to take steps for their safety. They appointed a committee of thirty senators and dispatched them to Hamilcar accompanied by Hanno, the general who had previously retired from command, but now resumed it, and by all their remaining citizens of military age, whom they had armed as a sort of forlorn hope. They enjoined these commissioners to put an end by all means in their power to the two generals’ long-standing quarrel, and to force them, in view of the circumstances, to be reconciled. The senators, after they had brought the generals together, pressed them with so many and varied arguments, that at length Hanno and Barcas were obliged to yield and do as they requested. After their reconciliation they were of one mind, and consequently everything went as well as the Carthaginians could wish, so that Mathos, unsuccessful in the many partial engagements which took place around the place called Leptis and some other cities, at length resolved to decide matters by a general battle, the Carthaginians being equally anxious for this. Both sides then, with this purpose, called on all their allies to join them for the battle and summoned in the garrisons from the towns, as if about to stake their all on the issue. When they were each ready to attack, they drew up their armies confronting each other and at a preconcerted signal closed. The Carthaginians gained the victory, most of the Libyans falling in the battle, while the rest escaped to a certain city and soon afterwards surrendered, but Mathos himself was taken by the enemy.

 
1 - 88 241-238. Reduction of Hippo & Utica. Romans interfere in Sardinia.

The rest of Libya at once submitted to Carthage after the battle, but Hippacritae and Utica still held out, feeling they had no reasonable grounds to expect terms in view of their having been so proof to all considerations of mercy and humanity when they first rebelled. This shows us that even in such offences it is most advantageous to be moderate and abstain from unpardonable excesses willingly. However, Hanno besieging one town and Barcas the other soon compelled them to accept such conditions and terms as the Carthaginians thought fit to impose.

This Libyan war, that had brought Carthage into such peril, resulted not only in the Carthaginians regaining possession of Libya, but in their being able to inflict exemplary punishment on the authors of the rebellion. The last scene in it was a triumphal procession of the young men leading Mathos through the town and inflicting on him all kinds of torture. This war had lasted for three years and four months, and it far excelled all wars we know of in cruelty and defiance of principle.

The Romans about the same time, on the invitation of the mercenaries who had deserted to them from Sardinia, undertook an expedition to that island. When the Carthaginians objected on the ground that the sovereignty of Sardinia was rather their own than Rome’s, and began preparations for punishing those who were the cause of its revolt, the Romans made this the pretext of declaring war on them, alleging that the preparations were not against Sardinia, but against themselves. The Carthaginians, who had barely escaped destruction in this last war, were in every respect ill-fitted at this moment to resume hostilities with Rome. Yielding therefore to circumstances, they not only gave up Sardinia, but agreed to pay a further sum of twelve hundred talents to the Romans to avoid going to war for the present. Such then was the nature of these events.

 
2
2 - 1  238, Recapitulation of subjects treated in Book I. 238-229. Hamilcar & his son Hannibal sent to Spain.

In the preceding book I stated in the first place at what date the Romans having subjected Italy began to concern themselves in enterprises outside the peninsula; next I narrated how they crossed to Sicily and what were their reasons for undertaking the war with Carthage for the possession of that island. After relating when and how they first built naval forces, I pursued the history of the war on both sides until its end, at which the Carthaginians evacuated all Sicily, and the Romans acquired the whole island except the parts which were Hiero’s dominions. In the next place I set myself to describe how the mercenaries mutinied against Carthage and set ablaze the so-called Libyan war; I described all the terrible atrocities committed in this war, all its dramatic surprises, and their issues, until it ended in the final triumph of Carthage. I will now attempt to give a summary view, according to my original project, of the events immediately following.

The Carthaginians, as soon as they had set the affairs of Libya in order, dispatched Hamilcar to the land of Spain entrusting him with an adequate force. Taking with him his army and his son Hannibal now nine years of age, he crossed the straits of Gibraltar and applied himself to subjugating Spain to the Carthaginians. In this country he spent about nine years during which he reduced many Iberian tribes to obedience either by force of arms or by diplomacy, and finally met with an end worthy of his high achievements, dying bravely in a battle against one of the most warlike and powerful tribes, after freely exposing his person to danger on the field. The Carthaginians handed over the command of the army to Hasdrubal his son-in-law and chief naval officer.

 
2 - 2  233-232. Illyricum. Siege of Medion in Acarnania.
It was at this period that the Romans first crossed with an army into Illyria and that part of Europe. This is a matter not to be lightly passed over, but deserving the serious attention of those who wish to gain a true view of the purpose of this work and of the formation and growth of the Roman dominion. The circumstances which decided them to cross were as follows: Agron, king of Illyria, was the son of Pleuratus, and was master of stronger land and sea forces than any king of Illyria before him. Demetrius, the father of Philip V, had induced him by a bribe to go to the assistance of the town of Medion which the Aetolians were besieging. The Aetolians being unable to persuade the Medionians to join their league, determined to reduce them by force. Levying all their forces they encamped round the city and strictly besieged it, employing every forcible means and every device. The date of the annual elections was now at hand, and they had to choose another Strategus. As the besieged were in the utmost extremity and were expected to surrender every day, the actual Strategus addressed the Aetolians, maintaining that as it was he who had supported the dangers and hardships of the siege, it was only just, on the town falling, he should have the privilege of dealing with the booty and inscribing with his name the shields dedicated in memory of the victory. Some, more especially the candidates for the office, disputed this, and begged the people not to decide the matter in advance, but leave it, as things stood, to Fortune to determine to whom she should award this prize. The Aetolians hereupon passed a resolution, that if it was the new Strategus whoever he might be, to whom the city fell, he should share with the present one the disposition of the booty and the honour of inscribing the shields.
 
2 - 3 Illyrians relieve Medion.

This decree had been passed, and next day the election was to be held, and the new Strategus was to enter at once into office, as is the practice of the Aetolians, when that night a hundred boats containing a force of five thousand Illyrians arrived at the nearest point on the coast to Medion. Anchoring there they landed, as soon as it was daylight, with promptitude and secrecy, and forming in the order customary in Illyria, advanced by companies on the Aetolian camp. The Aetolians, on becoming aware of it, were taken aback by the unexpected nature and boldness of the attack, but having for many years ranked very high in their estimation and relying on their strength, they were more or less confident. Stationing the greater part of their hoplites and cavalry on the level ground just in front of their lines, they occupied with a portion of their cavalry and light-armed infantry certain favourable positions on the heights in front of the camp. The Illyrians, charging their light infantry, drove them from their positions by their superior force and the weight of their formation, compelling the supporting body of cavalry to fall back on the heavy-armed troops. After this, having the advantage of attacking the latter, who were drawn up on the plain, from higher ground, they speedily put them to flight, the Medionians also joining in the attack from the city. They killed many Aetolians and took a still larger number of prisoners, capturing all their arms and baggage. The Illyrians, having thus executed the orders of their king, carried off to their boats the baggage and other booty and at once set sail for home.

 
2 - 4 231 Death of Agron, who is succeeded by his wife Teuta

The Medionians, thus unexpectedly saved, met in assembly and discussed, among other matters, that of the proper inscription for the shields. They decided, in parody of the Aetolian decree, to inscribe them as won from and not by the present Aetolian chief magistrate and the candidates for next year’s office. It seemed as if what had befallen this people was designed by Fortune to display her might to men in general. For in so brief a space of time she put it in their power to do to the enemy the very thing which they thought the enemy were just on the point of doing to themselves. The unlooked-for calamity of the Aetolians was a lesson to mankind never to discuss the future as if it were the present, or to have any confident hope about things that may still turn out quite otherwise. We are but men, and should in every matter assign its share to the unexpected, this being especially true of war.

King Agron, when the flotilla returned and his officers gave him an account of the battle, was so overjoyed at the thought of having beaten the Aetolians, then the proudest of the peoples, that he took to carousals and other convivial excesses, from which he fell into a pleurisy that ended fatally in a few days. He was succeeded on the throne by his wife Teuta, who left the details of administration to friends on whom she relied. As, with a woman’s natural shortness of view, she could see nothing but the recent success and had no eyes for what was going on elsewhere, she in the first place gave letters of marque to privateers to pillage any ships they met, and next she collected a fleet and force of troops as large as the former one and sent it out, ordering the commanders to treat all countries alike as belonging to their enemies.

 
2 - 5 230. Teuta’s piratical fleet, Takes Phoenice in Epirus.
The expedition began by making a descent on Elis and Messenia, lands which the Illyrians had always been in the habit of pillaging, because, owing to the extent of their sea-board and owing to the principal cities being in the interior, help against their raids was distant and slow in arriving; so that they could always overrun and plunder those countries unmolested. On this occasion, however, they put in at Phoenice in Epirus for the purpose of provisioning themselves. There they fell in with certain Gaulish soldiers, about eight hundred in number, at present in the employ of the Epirots. They approached these Gauls with a proposal for the betrayal of the city, and on their agreeing, they landed and captured the town and its inhabitants by assault with the help from within of the Gauls. When the Epirots learnt of this they hastened to come to help with their whole force. On reaching Phoenice they encamped with the river that runs past the town on their front, removing the planking of the bridge so as to be in safety. On news reaching them that Scerdilaïdas with five thousand Illyrians was approaching by land through the pass near Antigonia, they detached a portion of their force to guard Antigonia, but they themselves henceforth remained at their ease, faring plenteously on the produce of the country, and quite neglecting night and day watches. The Illyrians, learning of the partition of the Epirot force and of their general remissness, made a night sortie, and replacing planks on the bridge, crossed the river in safety and occupied a strong position where they remained for the rest of the night. When day broke, both armies drew up their forces in front of the town and engaged. The battle resulted in the defeat of the Epirots, many of whom were killed and still more taken prisoners, the rest escaping in the direction of Atintania.
 
2 - 6 Aetolian & Achaean leagues send a force to relief of Epirotes. A truce is made. Illyrians depart.

The Epirots, having met with this misfortune and lost all hope in themselves, sent embassies to the Aetolians and to the Achaean league imploring their succour. Both leagues took pity on their situation and consented, and shortly afterwards this relieving force reached Helicranum. The Illyrians holding Phoenice at first united with Scerdilaïdas, and advancing to Helicranum encamped opposite the Achaeans the Aetolians who had come to the rescue, and were anxious to give battle. But the ground was very difficult and unfavourable to them, and just at this time a dispatch came from Teuta ordering them to return home by the quickest route, as some of the Illyrians had revolted to the Dardanians. They therefore, after plundering Epirus, made a truce with the Epirots. By the terms of this they gave up to them the city and its free population on payment of a ransom; the slaves and other goods and chattels they put on board their boats, and while the one force sailed off home, Scerdilaïdas marched back through the pass near Antigonia. They had caused the Greek inhabitants of the coast no little consternation and alarm; for, seeing the most strongly situated and most powerful town in Epirus thus suddenly taken and its population enslaved, they all began to be anxious not, as in former times, for their agricultural produce, but for the safety of themselves and their cities.

The Epirots, thus unexpectedly saved, were so far from attempting to retaliate on the wrongdoers or from thanking those who had come to their relief that, on the contrary, they sent an embassy to Teuta, and together with the Acarnanians entered into an alliance with Illyria, engaging in future to co-operate with the Illyrians and work against the Achaeans and Aetolians. Their whole conduct showed them not only to have acted now towards their benefactors without judgement, but to have blundered from the outset in the management of their own affairs.

 
2 - 7 Career of a body of Gallic mercenaries, at Agrigentum, at Eryx. Disarmed by Romans.

For we are but men, and to meet with some unexpected blow is not the sufferer’s fault, but that of Fortune and those who inflict it on him; but when we involve ourselves by sheer lack of judgement and with our eyes open in the depth of misfortune, everyone acknowledges that we have none to blame but ourselves. It is for this reason that those whom Fortune leads astray meet with pity, pardon and help, but if their failures are due to their own indiscretion, all right-thinking men blame and reproach them. And in this case the Greeks would have been amply justified in their censure of the Epirots. To begin with would not anyone who is aware of the general reputation of the Gauls, think twice before entrusting to them a wealthy city, the betrayal of which was easy and profitable? In the second place who would not have been cautious in the case of a company with such a bad name? First of all they had been expelled from their own country by a general movement of their fellow-countrymen owing to their having betrayed their own friends and kinsmen. Again, when the Carthaginians, hard pressed by the war, received them, they first availed themselves of a dispute about pay between the soldiers and the generals to pillage the city of Agrigentum of which they formed the garrison, being then above three thousand strong. Afterwards, when the Carthaginians sent them on the same service to Eryx, then besieged by the Romans, they attempted to betray the city and those who were suffering siege in their company, and when this plan fell through, they deserted to the Romans. The Romans entrusted them with the guard of the temple of Venus Erycina, which again they pillaged. Therefore, no sooner was the war with Carthage over, than the Romans, having clear evidence of their infamous character, took the very first opportunity of disarming them, putting them on board ship and banishing them from the whole of Italy. These were the men whom the Epirots employed to guard their most flourishing city. How then can they be acquitted of the charge of causing their own misfortunes?

I thought it necessary to speak at some length on this subject in order to show how foolish the Epirots were, and that no people, if wise, should ever admit a garrison stronger than their own forces, especially if composed of barbarians.

 
2 - 230. Illyrian pirates. Romans interfere, Queen Teuta’s reception of Roman legates. Roman legate assassinated.

To return to the Illyrians. For a long time previously they had been in the habit of maltreating vessels sailing from Italy, and now while they were at Phoenice, a number of them detached themselves from the fleet and robbed or killed many Italian traders, capturing and carrying off no small number of prisoners. The Romans had hitherto turned a deaf ear to the complaints made against the Illyrians, but now when a number of persons approached the Senate on the subject, they appointed two envoys, Gaius and Lucius Coruncanius, to proceed to Illyria, and investigate the matter. Teuta, on the return of the flotilla from Epirus, was so struck with admiration by the quantity and beauty of the spoils they brought back (Phoenice being then far the wealthiest city there), that she was twice as eager as before to molest the Greeks. For the present, however, she had to defer her projects owing to the disturbance in her own dominions; she had speedily put down the Illyrian revolt, but was engaged in besieging Issa, which alone still refused to submit to her, when the Roman ambassadors arrived by sea. Audience having been granted them, they began to speak of the outrages committed against them. Teuta, during the whole interview, listened to them in a most arrogant and overbearing manner, and when they had finished speaking, she said she would see to it that Rome suffered no public wrong from Illyria, but that, as for private wrongs, it was contrary to the custom of the Illyrian kings to hinder their subjects from winning booty from the sea. The younger of the ambassadors was very indignant at these words of hers, and spoke out with a frankness most proper indeed, but highly inopportune: “O Teuta,” he said, “the Romans have an admirable custom, which is to punish publicly the doers of private wrongs and publicly come to the help of the wronged. Be sure that we will try, God willing, by might and main and right soon, to force thee to mend the custom toward the Illyrians of their kings.” Giving way to her temper like a woman and heedless of the consequences, she took this frankness ill, and was so enraged at the speech that, defying the law of nations, when the ambassadors were leaving in their ship, she sent emissaries to assassinate the one who had been so bold of speech. On the news reaching Rome, the woman’s outrage created great indignation and they at once set themselves to prepare for an expedition, enrolling legions and getting a fleet together.

 
2 - 229. Another piratical fleet sent out by Teuta. Their treacherous attack on Epidamnus, which is repulsed. Attack on Corcyra. Corcyreans appeal to Aetolian & Achaean leagues.

Teuta, when the season came, fitted out a larger number of boats than before and dispatched them to the Greek coasts. Some of them sailed through the strait to Corcyra, while a part put in to the harbour of Epidamnus, professedly to water and provision, but really with the design of surprising and seizing the town. They were received by the Epidamnians without any suspicion or concern, and landing as if for the purpose of watering, lightly clad but with swords concealed in their water-jars, they cut down the guards of the gate and at once possessed themselves of the gate-tower. A force from the ships was quickly on the spot, as had been arranged, and thus reinforced, they easily occupied the greater part of the walls. The citizens were taken by surprise and quite unprepared, but they rushed to arms and fought with great gallantry, the result being that the Illyrians, after considerable resistance, were driven out of the town. Thus the Epidamnians on this occasion came very near losing their native town by their negligence, but through their courage escaped with a salutary lesson for the future. The Illyrian commanders hastened to get under weigh and catching up the rest of their flotilla bore down on Corcyra. There they landed, to the consternation of the inhabitants, and laid siege to the city. Upon this the Corcyrans, in the utmost distress and despondency, sent, together with the peoples of Apollonia and Epidamnus, envoys to the Achaeans and Aetolians, imploring them to hasten to their relief and not allow them to be driven from their homes by the Illyrians. The two Leagues, after listening to the envoys, consented to their request, and both joined in manning the ten decked ships belonging to the Achaeans. In a few days they were ready for sea and sailed for Corcyra in the hope of raising the siege.

 
2 - 10 Defeat of Achaean ships. Corcyra submits.

The Illyrians, now reinforced by seven decked ships sent by the Acarnanians in compliance with the terms of their treaty, put to sea and encountered the Achaean ships off the island called Paxi. The Acarnanians and those Achaean ships which were told off to engage them fought with no advantage on either side, remaining undamaged in their encounter except for the wounds inflicted on some of the crew. The Illyrians lashed their boats together in batches of four and thus engaged the enemy. They sacrificed their own boats, presenting them broadside to their adversaries in a position favouring their charge, but when the enemy’s ships had charged and struck them and getting fixed in them, found themselves in difficulties, as in each case the four boats lashed together were hanging on to their beaks, the marines leapt on to the decks of the Achaean ships and overmastered them by their numbers. In this way they captured four quadriremes and sunk with all hands a quinquereme, on board of which was Magnus of Caryneia, a man who up to the end served the Achaeans most loyally. The ships that were engaged with the Acarnanians, seeing the success of the Illyrians, and trusting to their speed, made sail with a fair wind and escaped home in safety. The Illyrian forces, highly elated by their success, continued the siege with more security and confidence, and the Corcyreans, whose hopes were crushed by the repulse of their allies, after enduring the siege for a short time longer, came to terms with the Illyrians, receiving a garrison under the command of Demetrius of Pharos. After this the Illyrian commanders at once sailed off and coming to anchor at Epidamnus, again set themselves to besiege that city.

 
2 - 11 229. Roman Consuls, with fleet & army, start to punish Illyrians. Corcyra becomes a “friend of Rome.” Aulus Postumius. Roman settlement of Illyricum.

At about the same time one of the Consuls, Gnaeus Fulvius, sailed out from Rome with the two hundred ships, while the other, Aulus Postumius, left with the land forces. Gnaeus’ first intention had been to make for Corcyra, as he supposed he would find the siege still undecided. On discovering that he was too late, he none the less sailed for that island, wishing on the one hand to find out accurately what had happened about the city, and on the other hand to put to a test the sincerity of communications made to him by Demetrius. Accusations had been brought against the latter, and being in fear of Teuta he sent messages to the Romans undertaking to hand over to them the city and whatever else was under his charge. The Corcyreans were much relieved to see the Roman garrison arrive, and they gave up the Illyrian garrison to them with the consent of Demetrius. They unanimously accepted the Romans’ invitation to place themselves under their protection, considering this the sole means of assuring for the future their safety from the violence of the Illyrians. The Romans, having admitted the Corcyreans to their friendship, set sail for Apollonia, Demetrius in future acting as their guide. Simultaneously Postumius was bringing across from Brundisium the land forces consisting of about twenty thousand foot and two thousand horse. On the two forces uniting at Apollonia and on the people of that city likewise agreeing to put themselves under Roman protection, they at once set off again, hearing that Epidamnus was being besieged. The Illyrians, on hearing of the approach of the Romans, hastily broke up the siege and fled. The Romans, taking Epidamnus also under their protection, advanced into the interior of Illyria, subduing the Ardiaeans on their way. Many embassies met them, among them one from the Parthini offering unconditional surrender. They admitted this tribe to their friendship as well as the Atintanes, and advanced towards Issa which was also being besieged by the Illyrians. On their arrival they forced the enemy to raise the siege and took the Issaeans also under their protection. The fleet too took several Illyrian cities by assault as they sailed along the coast, losing, however, at Nutria not only many soldiers, but some of their military tribunes and their quaestor. They also captured twenty boats which were conveying the plunder from the country. Of the besiegers of Issa those now in Pharos were allowed, through Demetrius’ influence, to remain there unhurt, while the others dispersed and took refuge at Arbo. Teuta, with only a few followers, escaped to Rhizon, a place strongly fortified at a distance from the sea and situated on the river Rhizon. After accomplishing so much and placing the greater part of Illyria under the rule of Demetrius, thus making him an important potentate, the Consuls returned to Epidamnus with the fleet and army.

 
2 - 12 228. Teuta submits.

Gnaeus Fulvius now sailed for Rome with the greater part of both forces, and Postumius, with whom forty ships were left, enrolled a legion from the cities in the neighbourhood and wintered at Epidamnus to guard the Ardiaeans and the other tribes who had placed themselves under the protection of Rome. In the early spring Teuta sent an embassy to the Romans and made a treaty, by which she consented to pay any tribute they imposed, to relinquish all Illyria except a few places, and, what mostly concerned the Greeks, undertook not to sail beyond Lissus with more than two hundred vessels. When this treaty had been concluded Postumius sent legates to the Aetolian and Achaean leagues. On their arrival they first explained the causes of the war and their reason for crossing the Adriatic, and next gave an account of what they had accomplished, reading the treaty they had made with the Illyrians. After meeting with all due courtesy from both the leagues, they returned by sea to Corcyra, having by the communication of this treaty, delivered the Greeks from no inconsiderable dread; for the Illyrians were not then the enemies of this people or that, but the common enemies of all.

Such were the circumstances and causes of the Romans crossing for the first time with an army to Illyria and those parts of Europe, and of their first coming into relations through an embassy with Greece. But having thus begun, the Romans immediately afterwards sent other envoys to Athens and Corinth, on which occasion the Corinthians first admitted them to participation in the Isthmian games.

 
2 - 13 228. Hasdrubal in Spain. founding of New Carthage, Dread of Gauls. Treaty with Hasdrubal.

We have said nothing of affairs in Spain during these years. Hasdrubal had by his wise and practical administration made great general progress, and by the foundation of the city called by some Carthage, and by others the New Town, made a material contribution to the resources of Carthage, especially owing to its favourable position for action in Spain or Libya. On a more suitable occasion we will describe its position and point out the services it can render to both these countries. The Romans, seeing that Hasdrubal was in a fair way to create a larger and more formidable empire than Carthage formerly possessed, resolved to begin to occupy themselves with Spanish affairs. Finding that they had hitherto been asleep and had allowed Carthage to build up a powerful dominion, they tried, as far as possible, to make up for lost time. For the present they did not venture to impose orders on Carthage, or to go to war with her, because the threat of a Celtic invasion was hanging over them, the attack being indeed expected from day to day. They decided, then, to smooth down and conciliate Hasdrubal in the first place, and then to attack the Celts and decide the issue by arms, for they thought that as long as they had these Celts threatening their frontier, not only would they never be masters of Italy, but they would not even be safe in Rome itself. Accordingly, after having sent envoys to Hasdrubal and made a treaty, in which no mention was made of the rest of Spain, but the Carthaginians engaged not to cross the Ebro in arms, they at once entered on the struggle against the Italian Celts.

 
2 - 14 Geography of Italy. Col di Tenda.

I think it will be of use to give some account of these peoples, which must be indeed but a summary one, in order not to depart from the original plan of this work as defined in the preface. We must, however, go back to the time when they first occupied these districts. I think the story is not only worth knowing and keeping in mind, but quite necessary for my purpose, as it shows us who were the men and what was the country on which Hannibal afterwards relied in his attempt to destroy the Roman dominion. I must first describe the nature of the country and its position as regards the rest of Italy. A sketch of its peculiarities, regionally and as a whole land, will help us better to comprehend the more important of the events I have to relate.

Italy as a whole has the shape of a triangle of which the one or eastern side is bounded by the Ionian Strait and then continuously by the Adriatic Gulf, the next side, that turned to the south and west, by the Sicilian and Tyrrhenian Seas. The apex of that triangle, formed by the meeting of these two sides, is the southernmost cape of Italy known as Cocynthus and separating the Ionian Strait from the Sicilian Sea. The remaining or northern and inland side of the triangle is bounded continuously by the chain of the Alps which beginning at Marseilles and the northern coasts of the Sardinian Sea stretches in an unbroken line almost to the head of the whole Adriatic, only failing to join that sea by stopping at quite a short distance from it. At the foot of this chain, which we should regard as the base of the triangle, on its southern side, lies the last plain of all Italy to the north. It is with this that were are now concerned, a plain surpassing in fertility any other in Europe with which we are acquainted. The general shape of the lines that bound this plain is likewise triangular. The apex of the triangle is formed by the meeting of the Apennines and Alps not far from the Sardinian Sea at a point above Marseilles. Its northern side is, as I have said, formed by the Alps themselves and is about two thousand two hundred stades in length, the southern side by the Apennines which extend for a distance of three thousand six hundred stades. The base of the whole triangle is the coast of the Adriatic, its length from the city of Sena to the head of the gulf being more than two thousand five hundred stades; so that the whole circumference of this plain is not much less than ten thousand stades.

 
2 - 15 Gallia Cis-Alpina.

Its fertility is not easy to describe. It produces such an abundance of corn, that often in my time the price of wheat was four obols per Sicilian medimnus and that of barley two obols, a metretes of wine costing the same as the medimnus of barley. Panic and millet are produced in enormous quantities, while the amount of acorns grown in the woods dispersed over the plain can be estimated from the fact that, while the number of swine slaughtered in Italy for private consumption as well as to feed the army is very large, almost the whole of them are supplied by this plain. The cheapness and abundance of all articles of food will be most clearly understood from the following fact. Travellers in this country who put up in inns, do not bargain for each separate article they require, but ask what is the charge per diem for one person. The innkeepers, as a rule, agree to receive guests, providing them with enough of all they require for half an as per diem, i.e. the fourth part of an obol, the charge being very seldom higher. As for the numbers of the inhabitants, their stature and beauty and courage in war, the facts of their history will speak.

The hilly ground with sufficient soil on both slopes of the Alps, that on the north towards the Rhone and that towards the plain I have been describing, is inhabited in the former case by the Transalpine Gauls and in the latter by the Taurisci, Agones and several other barbarous tribes. Transalpine is not a national name but a local one, trans meaning “beyond,” and those beyond the Alps being so called. The summits of the Alps are quite uninhabitable owing to their ruggedness and the quantity of snow which always covers them.

 
2 - 16 Alps. Apennines. Po. 15th July.
The Apennines, from their junction with the Alps above Marseilles, are inhabited on both slopes, that looking to the Tyrrhenian sea and that turned to the plain, by the Ligurians whose territory reaches on the seaboard-side as far as Pisa, the first city of western Etruria, and on the land side as far as Arretium. Next come the Etruscans and after them both slopes are inhabited by the Umbrians. After this the Appenines, at a distance of about five hundred stades from the Adriatic, quit the plain and, turning to the right, pass along the centre of the rest of Italy as far as the Sicilian sea, the remaining flat part of this side of the triangle continuing to the sea and the city of Sena. The river Po, celebrated by the poets as the Eridanus, rises in the Alps somewhere near the apex of the triangle and descends to the plain, flowing in a southerly direction. On reaching the flat ground, it takes a turn to the East and flows through the plain, falling into the Adriatic by two mouths. It cuts off the larger half of the plain, which thus lies between it on the south and the Alps and head of the Adriatic on the north. It has a larger volume of water than any other river in Italy, since all the streams that descend into the plain from the Alps and Apennines fall into it from either side, and is highest and finest at the time of the rising of the Dog-star, as it is then swollen by the melting of the snow on those mountains. It is navigable for about two thousand stades from the mouth called Olana; for the stream, which has been a single one from its source, divides at a place called Trigaboli, one of the mouths being called Padua and the other Olana. At the latter there is a harbour, which affords as safe anchorage as any in the Adriatic. The native name of the river is Bodencus. The other tales the Greeks tell about this river, I mean touching Phaëthon and his fall and the weeping poplar-trees and the black clothing of the inhabitants near the river, who, they say, still dress thus in mourning for Phaëthon, and all matter for tragedy and the like, may be left aside for the present, detailed treatment of such things not suiting very well the plan of this work. I will, however, when I find a suitable occasion make proper mention of all this, especially as Timaeus has shown much ignorance concerning the district.
 
2 - 17 Gauls expel Etruscans from valley of Po. Their character.

The Etruscans were the oldest inhabitants of this plain at the same period that they possessed also the Phlegraean plain in the neighbourhood of Capua and Nola, which, accessible and well known as it is to many, has such a reputation for fertility. Those therefore who would know something of the dominion of the Etruscans should not look at the country they now inhabit, but at these plains and the resources they drew thence. The Celts, being close neighbours of the Etruscans and associating much with them, cast covetous eyes on their beautiful country, and on a small pretext, suddenly attacked them with a large army and, expelling them from the plain of the Po, occupied it themselves. The first settlers at the eastern extremity, near the source of the Po, were the Laevi and Lebecii, after them the Insubres, the largest tribe of all, and next these, on the banks of the river, the Cenomani. The part of the plain near the Adriatic had never ceased to be in the possession of another very ancient tribe called the Veneti, differing slightly from the Gauls in customs and costume and speaking another language. About this people the tragic poets tell many marvellous stories. On the other bank of the Po, by the Apennines, the first settlers beginning from the west were the Anares and next them the Boii. Next the latter, towards the Adriatic, were the Lingones and lastly, near the sea, the Senoes.

These are the names of the principal tribes that settled in the district. They lived in unwalled villages, without any superfluous furniture; for as they slept on beds of leaves and fed on meat and were exclusively occupied with war and agriculture, their lives were very simple, and they had no knowledge whatever of any art or science. Their possessions consisted of cattle and gold, because these were the only things they could carry about with them everywhere according to circumstances and shift where they chose. They treated comradeship as of the greatest importance, those among them being the most feared and most powerful who were thought to have the largest number of attendants and associates.

 
2 - 18 390. Battle of Allia, Latin war,  349-340. 360. 348. 334.
On their first invasion they not only conquered this country but reduced to subjection many of the neighbouring peoples, striking terror into them by their audacity. Not long afterwards they defeated the Romans and their allies in a pitched battle, and pursuing the fugitives, occupied, three days after the battle, the whole of Rome with the exception of the Capitol, but being diverted by an invasion of their own country by the Veneti, they made on this occasion a treaty with the Romans, and evacuating the city, returned home. After this they were occupied by domestic wars, and certain of the neighbouring Alpine tribes, witnessing to what prosperity they had attained in comparison with themselves, frequently gathered to attack them. Meanwhile the Romans re-established their power and again became masters of Latium. Thirty years after the occupation of Rome, the Celts again appeared before Alba with a large army, and the Romans on this occasion did not venture to meet them in the field, because, owing to the suddenness of the attack, they were taken by surprise and had not had time to anticipate it by collecting the forces of their allies. But when, twelve years later, the Celts again invaded in great strength, they had early word of it, and, assembling their allies, marched eagerly to meet them, wishing for nothing better than a decisive battle. The Gauls, alarmed by the Roman advance and at variance among themselves, waited until nightfall and then set off for home, their retreat resembling a flight. After this panic, they kept quiet for thirteen years, and then, as they saw how rapidly the power of the Romans was growing, they made a formal peace with them, to the terms of which they adhered steadfastly for thirty years.
 
2 - 19 299. 297. 283. Sena Gallica.

But then, when a fresh movement began among the Transalpine Gauls, and they feared they would have a big war on their hands, they deflected from themselves the inroad of the migrating tribes by bribery and by pleading their kinship, but they incited them to attack the Romans, and even joined them in the expedition. They advanced through Etruria, the Etruscans too uniting with them, and, after collecting a quantity of booty, retired quite safely from the Roman territory, but, on reaching home, fell out with each other about division of the spoil and succeeded in destroying the greater part of their own forces and of the booty itself. This is quite a common event among the Gauls, when they have appropriated their neighbour’s property, chiefly owing to their inordinate drinking and surfeiting. Four years later the Gauls made a league with the Samnites, and engaging the Romans in the territory of Camerinum inflicted on them considerable loss; meanwhile the Romans, determined on avenging their reverse, advanced again a few days after with all their legions, and attacking the Gauls and Samnites in the territory of Sentinum, put the greater number of them to the sword and compelled the rest to take precipitate flight each to their separate homes. Again, ten years afterwards, the Gauls reappeared in force and besieged Arretium. The Romans, coming to the help of the town, attacked them in front of it and were defeated. In this battle their Praetor Lucius Caecilius fell, and they nominated Manius Curius in his place. When Manius sent legates to Gaul to treat for the return of the prisoners, they were treacherously slain, and this made the Romans so indignant that they at once marched upon Gaul. They were met by the Gauls called Senones, whom they defeated in a pitched battle, killing most of them and driving the rest out of their country, the whole of which they occupied. This was the first part of Gaul in which they planted a colony, calling it Sena after the name of the Gauls who formerly inhabited it. This is the city I mentioned above as lying near the Adriatic at the extremity of the plain of the Po.

 
2 - 20 282.

Hereupon the Boii, seeing the Senones expelled from their territory, and fearing a like fate for themselves and their own land, implored the aid of the Etruscans and marched out in full force. The united armies gave battle to the Romans near Lake Vadimon, and in this battle most of the Etruscans were cut to pieces while only quite a few of the Boii escaped. But, notwithstanding, in the very next year these two peoples once more combined and arming their young men, even the mere striplings, again encountered the Romans in a pitched battle. They were utterly defeated and it was only now that their courage at length gave way and that they sent an embassy to sue for terms and made a treaty with the Romans. This took place three years before the crossing of Pyrrhus to Italy and five years before the destruction of the Gauls at Delphi; for it really seems that at this time Fortune afflicted all Gauls alike with a sort of epidemic of war. From all these struggles the Romans gained two great advantages. In the first place, having become accustomed to be cut up by Gauls, they could neither undergo nor expect any more terrible experience, and next, owing to this, when they met Pyrrhus they had become perfectly trained athletes in war, so that they were able to daunt the courage of the Gauls before it was too late, and henceforth could give their whole mind first to the fight with Pyrrhus for Italy and afterwards to the maintenance of the contest with Carthage for the possession of Sicily.

 
2 - 21 236. 232.

After these reverses, the Gauls remained quiet and at peace with Rome for forty-five years. But when, as time went on, those who had actually witnessed the terrible struggle were no more, and a younger generation had taken their place, full of unremitting passion and absolutely without experience of suffering or peril, they began again, as was natural, to disturb the settlement, becoming exasperated against the Romans on the least pretext and inviting the Alpine Gauls to make common cause with them. At first these advances were made secretly by their chiefs without the knowledge of the multitude; so that when a force of Transalpine Gauls advanced as far as Ariminum the Boian populace were suspicious of them, and quarrelling with their own leaders as well as with the strangers, killed their kings, Atis and Galatus, and had a pitched battle with the other Gauls in which many fell on either side. The Romans had been alarmed by the advance of the Gauls, and a legion was on its way; but, on hearing of the Gauls’ self-inflicted losses, they returned home. Five years after this alarm, in the consulship of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the Romans divided among their citizens the territory in Gaul known as Picenum, from which they had ejected the Senones when they conquered them. Gaius Flaminius was the originator of this popular policy, which we must pronounce to have been, one may say, the first step in the demoralization of the populace, as well as the cause of the war with the Gauls which followed. For what prompted many of the Gauls and especially the Boii, whose territory bordered on that of Rome, to take action was the conviction that now the Romans no longer made war on them for the sake of supremacy and sovereignty, but with a view to their total expulsion and extermination.

 
2 - 22 231.

The two largest tribes, therefore, the Insubres and Boii, made a league and sent messengers to the Gauls dwelling among the Alps and near the Rhone, who are called Gaesatae because they serve for hire, this being the proper meaning of the word. They urged and incited their kings Concolitanus and Aneroëstus to make war on Rome, offering them at present a large sum in gold, and as to the future, pointing out to them the great prosperity of the Romans, and the vast wealth that would be theirs if they were victorious. They had no difficulty in persuading them, as, in addition to all this, they pledged themselves to be loyal allies and reminded them of the achievement of their own ancestors, who had not only overcome the Romans in combat, but, after the battle, had assaulted and taken Rome itself, possessing themselves of all it contained, and, after remaining masters of the city for seven months, had finally given it up of their own free will and as an act of grace, and had returned home with their spoil, unbroken and unscathed. When the kings had been told all this, they became so eager for the expedition that on no occasion has that district of Gaul sent out so large a force or one composed of men so distinguished or so warlike. All this time, the Romans, either hearing what was happening or divining what was coming, were in such a state of constant alarm and unrest, that at times we find them busy enrolling legions and making provision of corn and other stores, at times marching to the frontier, as if the enemy had already invaded their territory, while as a fact the Celts had not yet budged from their own country. This movement of the Gauls contributed in no small measure to the rapid and unimpeded subjugation of Spain by the Carthaginians; for the Romans, as I said above, regarded this matter as of more urgency, since the danger was on their flank, and were compelled to neglect the affairs of Spain until they had dealt with the Gauls. They therefore secured themselves against the Carthaginians by the treaty with Hasdrubal, the terms of which I stated above, and threw their whole effort into the struggle with their enemies in Italy, considering it their main interest to bring this to a decisive conclusion.

 
2 - 23 225. Coss. L. Aemilius Papus. C. Atilius Regulus.

The Gaesatae, having collected a richly equipped and formidable force, crossed the Alps, and descended into the plain of the Po in the eighth year after the partition of Picenum. The Insubres and Boii held stoutly to their original purpose; but the Veneti and Cenomani, on the Romans sending an embassy to them, decided to give them their support; so that the Celtic chiefs were obliged to leave part of their forces behind to protect their territory from invasion by these tribes. They themselves marched confidently out with their whole available army, consisting of about fifty thousand foot and twenty thousand horse and chariots, and advanced on Etruria. The Romans, the moment they heard that the Gauls had crossed the Alps, sent Lucius Aemilius, their Consul, with his army to Ariminum to await here the attack of the enemy, and one of their Praetors to Etruria, their other Consul, Gaius Atilius having already gone to Sardinia with his legions. There was a great and general alarm in Rome, as they thought they were in imminent and serious peril, and this indeed was but natural, as the terror the old invasion had inspired still dwelt in their minds. No one thought of anything else therefore, they busied themselves mustering and enrolling their own legions and ordered those of the allies to be in readiness. All their subjects in general were commanded to supply lists of men of military age, as they wished to know what their total forces amounted to. Of corn, missiles and other war material they had laid such a supply as no one could remember to have been collected on any previous occasion. On every side there was a ready disposition to help in every possible way; for the inhabitants of Italy, terror-struck by the invasion of the Gauls, no longer thought of themselves as the allies of Rome or regarded this war as undertaken to establish Roman supremacy, but every man considered that the peril was descending on himself and his own city and country. So there was great alacrity in obeying orders.

 
2 - 24 Roman resources.

But, that it may appear from actual facts what a great power it was that Hannibal ventured to attack, and how mighty was that empire boldly confronting which he came so near his purpose as to bring great disasters on Rome, I must state what were their resources and the actual number of their forces at this time. Each of the Consuls was in command of four legions of Roman citizens, each consisting of five thousand two hundred foot and three hundred horse. The allied forces in each Consular army numbered thirty thousand foot and two thousand horse. The cavalry of the Sabines and the Etruscans, who had come to the temporary assistance of Rome, were four thousand strong, their infantry above fifty thousand. The Romans massed these forces and posted them on the frontier of Etruria under the command of a Praetor. The levy of the Umbrians and Sarsinates inhabiting the Apennines amounted to about twenty thousand, and with these were twenty thousand Veneti and Cenomani. These they stationed on the frontier of Gaul, to invade the territory of the Boii and divert them back from their expedition. These were the armies protecting the Roman territory. In Rome itself there was a reserve force, ready for any war-contingency, consisting of twenty thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse, all Roman citizens, and thirty thousand foot and two thousand horse furnished by the allies. The lists of men able to bear arms that had been returned were as follows. Latins eighty thousand foot and five thousand horse, Samnites seventy thousand foot and seven thousand horse, Iapygians and Messapians fifty thousand foot and sixteen thousand horse in all, Lucanians thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse, Marsi, Marrucini, Frentani, and Vestini thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse. In Sicily and Tarentum were two reserve legions, each consisting of about four thousand two hundred foot and two hundred horse. Of Romans and Campanians there were on the roll two hundred and fifty thousand foot and twenty-three thousand horse; so that the total number of Romans and allies able to bear arms was more than seven hundred thousand foot and seventy thousand horse, while Hannibal invaded Italy with an army of less than twenty thousand men. On this matter I shall be able to give my readers more explicit information in the course of this work.

 
2 - 25 Gauls enter Etruria. Praetor’s army defeated at Clusium.

The Celts, descending on Etruria, overran the country devastating it without let or hindrance and, as nobody appeared to oppose them, they marched on Rome itself. When they had got as far as Clusium, a city three days’ journey from Rome, news reached them that the advanced force which the Romans had posted in Etruria was on their heels and approaching. On hearing this, they turned to meet it, eager to engage it. At sunset the two armies were in closed proximity, and encamped for the night at no great distance from each other. After nightfall, the Celts lit their camp-fires, and, leaving orders with their cavalry to wait until daybreak and then, when visible to the enemy, to follow on their track, they themselves secretly retreated to a town called Faesulae and posted themselves there, their intention being to wait for their cavalry, and also to put unexpected difficulties in the way of the enemy’s attack. At daybreak, the Romans, seeing the cavalry alone and thinking the Celts had taken to flight, followed the cavalry with all speed on the line of the Celts’ retreat. On their approaching the enemy, the Celts left their position and attacked them, and a conflict, at first very stubborn, took place, in which finally the numbers and courage of the Celts prevailed, not fewer than six thousand Romans falling and the rest taking to flight. Most of them retreated to a hill of some natural strength where they remained. The Celts at first attempted to besiege them, but as they were getting the worst of it, fatigued as they were by their long night march and the suffering and hardships it involved, they hastened to rest and refresh themselves, leaving a detachment of their cavalry to keep guard round the hill, intending next day to besiege the fugitives, if they did not offer to surrender.

 
2 - 26 On arrival of Aemilius Gauls retire.

At this very time Lucius Aemilius, who was in command of the advanced force near the Adriatic, on hearing that the Celts had invaded Etruria and were approaching Rome, came in haste to help, fortunately arriving in the nick of time. He encamped near the enemy, and the fugitives on the hill, seeing his camp-fires and understanding what had occurred, immediately plucked up courage and dispatched by night some unarmed messengers through the wood to announce to the commander the plight they were in. On hearing of it and seeing that there was no alternative course under the circumstances, the latter ordered his Tribunes to march out the infantry at daybreak, he himself proceeding in advance with the cavalry towards the hill mentioned above. The leaders of the Gauls, on seeing the camp-fires at night, surmised that the enemy had arrived and held a council at which the King Aneroëstes expressed the opinion, that having captured so much booty (for it appears that the quantity of slaves, cattle and miscellaneous spoil was enormous), they should not give battle again nor risk the fortune of the whole enterprise, but return home in safety, and having got rid of all their encumbrances and lightened themselves, return and, if advisable, try issues with the Romans. It was decided under the circumstances to take the course recommended by Aneroëstes, and having come to this resolution in the night, they broke up their camp before daybreak and retreated along the sea-coast through Etruria. Lucius now took with him from the hill the survivors of the other army and united them with his other forces. He thought it by no means advisable to risk a general battle, but decided to hang on the enemy’s rear and watch for times and places favourable for inflicting damage on them or wresting some of the spoil from their hands.

 
2 - 27  Atilius landing at Pisa intercepts march of Gauls.

Just at this time, Gaius Atilius, the other Consul, had reached Pisa from Sardinia with his legions and was on his way to Rome, marching in the opposite direction to the enemy. When the Celts were near Telamon in Etruria, their advanced foragers encountered the advance guard of Gaius and were made prisoners. On being examined by the Consul they narrated all that had recently occurred and told him of the presence of the two armies, stating that the Gauls were quite near and Lucius behind them. The news surprised him but at the same time made him very hopeful, as he thought he had caught the Gauls on the march between the two armies. He ordered his Tribunes to put the legions in fighting order and to advance thus at marching pace in so far as the nature of the ground allowed the attack in line. He himself had happily noticed a hill situated above the road by which the Celts must pass, and taking his cavalry with him, advanced at full speed, being anxious to occupy the crest of the hill before their arrival and be the first to begin the battle, feeling certain that thus he would get the largest share of credit for the result. The Celts at first were ignorant of the arrival of Atilius and imagined from what they saw, that Aemilius’ cavalry had got round their flank in the night and were engaged in occupying the position. They therefore at once sent on their own cavalry and some of their light-armed troops to dispute the possession of the hill. But very soon they learnt of Gaius’ presence from one of the prisoners brought in, and lost no time in drawing up their infantry, deploying them so that they faced both front and rear, since, both from the intelligence that reached them and from what was happening before their eyes, they knew that the one army was following them, and they expected to meet the other in their front.

 
2 - 28 Battle of horse. Atilius falls.

Aemilius, who had heard of the landing of the legions at Pisa but had not any idea that they were already so near him, now, when he saw the fight going on round the hill, knew that the other Roman army was quite close. Accordingly, sending on his cavalry to help those who were fighting on the hill, he drew up his infantry in the usual order and advanced against the foe. The Celts had drawn up facing the rear, from which they expected Aemilius to attack, the Gaesatae from the Alps and behind them the Insubres, and facing in the opposite direction, ready to meet the attack of Gaius’ legions, they placed the Taurisci and the Boii from the right bank of the Po. Their wagons and chariots they stationed at the extremity of either wing and collected their booty on one of the neighbouring hills with a protecting force round it. This order of the Celtic forces, facing both ways, not only presented a formidable appearance, but was well adapted to the exigencies of the situation. The Insubres and Boii wore their trousers and light cloaks, but the Gaesatae had discarded these garments owing to their proud confidence in themselves, and stood naked, with nothing but their arms, in front of the whole army, thinking that thus they would be more efficient, as some of the ground was overgrown with brambles which would catch in their clothes and impede the use of their weapons. At first the battle was confined to the hill, all the armies gazing on it, so great were the numbers of cavalry from each host combating there pell-mell. In this action Gaius the Consul fell in the mellay fighting with desperate courage, and his head was brought to the Celtic kings; but the Roman cavalry, after a stubborn struggle, at length overmastered the enemy and gained possession of the hill. The infantry were now close upon each other, and the spectacle was a strange and marvellous one, not only to those actually present at the battle, but to all who could afterwards picture it to themselves from the reports.

 
2 - 29 3 Army Battle

For in the first place, as the battle was between three armies, it is evident that the appearance and movements of the forces marshalled against each other must have been in the highest degree strange and unusual. Again, it must have been to all present, and still is to us, a matter of doubt whether the Celts, with the enemy advancing on them from both sides, were more dangerously situated, or, on the contrary, more effectively, since at one and the same time they were fighting against both their enemies and were protecting themselves in the rear from both, while, above all, they were absolutely cut off from retreat or any prospect of escape in the case of defeat, this being the peculiarity of this two-faced formation. The Romans, however, were on the one hand encouraged by having caught the enemy between their two armies, but on the other they were terrified by the fine order of the Celtic host and the dreadful din, for there were innumerable horn-blowers and trumpeters, and, as the whole army were shouting their war-cries at the same time, there was such a tumult of sound that it seemed that not only the trumpets and the soldiers but all the country round had got a voice and caught up the cry. Very terrifying too were the appearance and the gestures of the naked warriors in front, all in the prime of life, and finely built men, and all in the leading companies richly adorned with gold torques and armlets. The sight of them indeed dismayed the Romans, but at the same time the prospect of winning such spoils made them twice as keen for the fight.

 
2 - 30  Infantry engage.

But when the javelineers advanced, as is their usage, from the ranks of the Roman legions and began to hurl their javelins in well-aimed volleys, the Celts in the rear indeed were well protected by their trousers and cloaks, but it fell out far otherwise than they had expected with the naked men in front, and they found themselves in a very difficult and helpless predicament. For the Gaulish shield does not cover the whole body; so that their nakedness was a disadvantage, and the bigger they were the better chance had the missiles of going home. At length, unable to drive off the javelineers owing to the distance and the hail of javelins, and reduced to the utmost distress and perplexity, some of them, in their impotent rage, rushed wildly on the enemy and sacrificed their lives, while others, retreating step by step on the ranks of their comrades, threw them into disorder by their display of faint-heartedness. Thus was the spirit of the Gaesatae broken down by the javelineers; but the main body of the Insubres, Boii, and Taurisci, once the javelineers had withdrawn into the ranks and the Roman maniples attacked them, met the enemy and kept up a stubborn hand-to-hand combat. For, though being almost cut to pieces, they held their ground, equal to their foes in courage, and inferior only, as a force and individually, in their arms. The Roman shields, it should be added, were far more serviceable for defence and their swords for attack, the Gaulish sword being only good for a cut and not for a thrust. But finally, attacked from higher ground and on their flank by the Roman cavalry, which rode down the hill and charged them vigorously, the Celtic infantry were cut to pieces where they stood, their cavalry taking to flight.

 
2 - 31  224. Aemilius returns home.

About forty thousand Celts were slain and at least ten thousand taken prisoners, among them the king Concolitanus. The other king, Aneroëstes, escaped with a few followers to a certain place where he put an end to his life and to those of his friends. The Roman Consul collected the spoils and sent them to Rome, returning the booty of the Gauls to the owners. With his legions he traversed Liguria and invaded the territory of the Boii, from whence, after letting his legions pillage to their heart’s content, he returned at their head in a few days to Rome. He sent to ornament the Capitol the standards and necklaces (the gold necklets worn by the Gauls), but the rest of the spoil and the prisoners he used for his entry into Rome and the adornment of his triumph.

Thus were destroyed these Celts during whose invasion, the most serious that had ever occurred, all the Italians and especially the Romans had been exposed to great and terrible peril. This success encouraged the Romans to hope that they would be able entirely to expel the Celts from the plain of the Po and both the Consuls of the next year, Quintus Fulvius and Titus Manlius, were sent against them with a formidable expeditionary force. They surprised and terrified the Boii, compelling them to submit to Rome, but the rest of the campaign had no practical results whatever, owing to the very heavy rains, and an epidemic which broke out among them.

 
2 - 32  223.

Next year’s Consuls, however, Publius Furius and Gaius Flaminius, again invaded the Celtic territory, through the country of the Anares who dwelt not far from Marseilles. Having admitted this tribe to their friendship, they crossed into the territory of the Insubres, near the junction of the Po and Adda. Both in crossing and in encamping on the other side, they suffered some loss, and at first remained on the spot, but later made a truce and evacuated the territory under its terms. After a circuitous march of some days, they crossed the river Clusius and reached the country of the Cenomani, who were their allies, and accompanied by them, again invaded the district at the foot of the Alps the plains of the Insubres and began to lay the country waste and pillage their dwellings. The chieftains of the Insubres, seeing that the Romans adhered to their purpose of attacking them, decided to try their luck in a decisive battle. Collecting all their forces in one place, they took down the golden standards called “immovable” from the temple of Minerva, and having made all other necessary preparations, boldly took up a menacing position opposite the enemy. They were about fifty thousand strong. The Romans, on the one hand, as they saw that the enemy were much more numerous than themselves, were desirous of employing also the forces of their Celtic allies, but on the other hand, taking into consideration Gaulish fickleness and the fact that they were going to fight against those of the same nation as these allies, they were wary of asking such men to participate in an action of such vital importance. Finally, remaining themselves on their side of the river, they sent the Celts who were with them across it, and demolished the bridges that crossed the stream, firstly as a precaution against their allies, and secondly to leave themselves no hope of safety except in victory, the river, which was impassable, lying in their rear. After taking these measures they prepared for battle.

 
2 - 33 Battle with Insubres.

The Romans are thought to have managed matters very skilfully in this battle, their tribunes having instructed them how they should fight, both as individuals and collectively. For they had observed from former battles that Gauls in general are most formidable and spirited in their first onslaught, while still fresh, and that, from the way their swords are made, as has been already explained, only the first cut takes effect; after this they at once assume the shape of a strigil, being so much bent both length-wise and side-wise that unless the men are given leisure to rest them on the ground and set them straight with the foot, the second blow is quite ineffectual. The tribunes therefore distributed among the front lines the spears of the triarii who were stationed behind them, ordering them to use their swords instead only after the spears were done with. They then drew up opposite the Celts in order of battle and engaged. Upon the Gauls slashing first at the spears and making their swords unserviceable the Romans came to close quarters, having rendered the enemy helpless by depriving them of the power of raising their hands and cutting, which is the peculiar and only stroke of the Gauls, as their swords have no points. The Romans, on the contrary, instead of slashing continued to thrust with their swords which did not bend, the points being very effective. Thus, striking one blow after another on the breast or face, they slew the greater part of their adversaries. This was solely due to the foresight of the tribunes, the Consul Flaminius being thought to have mismanaged the battle by deploying his force at the very edge of the river-bank and thus rendering impossible a tactical movement peculiar to the Romans, as he left the lines no room to fall back gradually. For had the troops been even in the slightest degree pushed back from their ground during the battle, they would have had to throw themselves into the river, all owing to their general’s blunder. However, as it was, they gained a decisive victory by their own skill and valour, as I said, and returned to Rome with a quantity of booty and many trophies.

 
2 - 34 222. Attack on Insubres.

Next year the Celts sent ambassadors begging for peace and engaging to accept any conditions, but the new Consuls Marcus Claudius and Gnaeus Cornelius strongly urged that no peace should be granted them. On meeting with a refusal, the Celts decided to resort to their last hope and again appealed to the Gaesatae on the Rhone, and hired a force of about thirty thousand men. When they had these troops they kept them in readiness and awaited the attack of the enemy. The Roman Consuls, when the season came, invaded the territory of the Insubres with their legions. Encamping round a city called Acerrae lying between the Po and the Alps, they laid siege to it. The Insubres could not come to the assistance of the besieged, as the Romans had occupied all the advantageous positions, but, with the object of making the latter raise the siege, they crossed the Po with part of their forces, and entering the territory of the Anares, laid siege to a town there called Clastidium. On the Consuls learning of this, Marcus Claudius set off in haste with the cavalry and a small body of infantry to relieve the besieged if possible. The Celts, as soon as they were aware of the enemy’s arrival, raised the siege and advancing to meet them, drew up in order of battle. When the Romans boldly charged them with their cavalry alone, they at first stood firm, but afterwards, being taken both in the rear and on the flank, they found themselves in difficulties and were finally put to rout by the cavalry unaided, many of them throwing themselves into the river and being swept away by the current, while the larger number were cut to pieces by the enemy. The Romans now took Acerrae, which was well stocked with corn, the Gauls retiring to Mediolanum the chief place in the territory of the Insubres. Gnaeus followed close on their heels, and suddenly appeared before Mediolanum. The Gauls at first did not stir, but, when he was on his way back to Acerrae, they sallied out, and made a bold attack on his rear, in which they killed a considerable number of the Romans and even forced a portion of them to take to flight, until Gnaeus, calling back the forces in advance, urged the fugitives to rally and withstand the enemy. After this the Romans, on their part obeying their Consul, continued to fight vigorously with their assailants, and the Celts after holding their ground for a time, encouraged as they were by their momentary success, were shortly put to flight and took refuge on the mountains. Gnaeus, following them, laid waste the country and took Mediolanum itself by assault,

 
2 - 35 480. 279.

upon which the chieftains of the Insubres, despairing of safety, put themselves entirely at the mercy of the Romans.

Such was the end of the war against the Celts, a war which, if we look to the desperation and daring of the combatants and the numbers who took part and perished in the battles, is second to no war in history, but is quite contemptible as regards the plan of the campaigns, and the judgement shown in executing it, not most steps but every single step that the Gauls took being commended to them rather by the heat of passion than by cool calculation. As I have witnessed them not long afterwards entirely expelled from the plain of the Po, except a few regions close under the Alps, I did not think it right to make no mention either of their original invasion or of their subsequent conduct and their final expulsion; for I think it is the proper task of History ot record and hand down to future generations such episodes of Fortune, that those who live after us may not, owing to entire ignorance of these incidents, be unduly terrified by sudden and unexpected invasions of barbarians, but that, having a fair comprehension of how short-lived and perishable is the might of such peoples, they may comfort the invaders and put every hope of safety to the test, before yielding a jot of anything they value. For indeed I consider that the writers who chronicled and handed down to us the story of the Persian invasion of Greece and the attack of the Gauls on Delphi have made no small contribution to the struggle of the Hellenes for their common liberty. For there is no one whom hosts of men or abundance of arms or vast resources could frighten into abandoning his last hope, that is to fight to the end for his native land, if he kept before his eyes what part the unexpected played in those events, and bore in mind how many myriads of men, what determined courage and what armaments were brought to nought by the resolve and power of those who faced the danger with intelligence and coolness. It is not only in old times but more than once in my own days that the Greeks have been alarmed by the prospect of a Gaulish invasion; and this especially was my motive for giving here an account of these events, summary indeed, but going back to the beginnings.

 
2 - 36 221 Death of Hasdrubal in Spain,  Succession of Hannibal to command in Spain. His hostility to Rome

This digression has led us away from the affairs of Spain, where Hasdrubal, after governing the country for eight years, was assassinated at night in his lodging by a certain Celt owing to wrongs of a private nature. He had largely increased the power of Carthage, not so much by military action as by friendly intercourse with the chiefs. The Carthaginians appointed Hannibal to the chief command in Spain, although he was still young, owing to the shrewdness and courage he had evinced in their service. From the moment that he assumed the command, it was evident from the measures he took that he intended to make war on Rome, as indeed he finished by doing, and that very shortly. The relations between Carthage and Rome were henceforth characterized by mutual suspicion and friction. The Carthaginians continued to form designs against Rome as they were eager to be revenged for their reverses in Sicily, while the Romans, detecting their projects, mistrusted them profoundly. It was therefore evident to all competent judges that it would not be long before war broke out between them.

 
2 - 37 220-217. Social war,  progress of Achaean league.

It was about this time that the Achaeans and King Philip with their allies began the war against the Aetolians known as the Social War. I have now given a continuous sketch, suitable to the preliminary plan of my book, of events in Sicily, Libya and so forth, down to the beginning of the Social War and that second war between the Romans and Carthaginians usually known as the Hannibalic War. This, as I stated at the outset, is the date at which I purpose to begin my general history, and, now bidding good-bye for the present to the West, I must turn to the affairs of Greece, so that everywhere alike I may bring down this preliminary or introductory sketch to the same date, and, having done so, start on my detailed narrative. For I am not, like former historians, dealing with the history of one nation, such as Greece or Persia, but have undertaken to describe the events occurring in all known parts of the world—my own times having, as I will more clearly explain elsewhere, materially contributed to my purpose—I must, before entering on the main portion of my work, touch briefly on the state of principal and best known nations and countries of the world. As for Asia and Egypt, it will suffice to mention what took place there after the above date, since their previous history has been written by many and is familiar to all, besides which in our own times Fortune has wrought no such surprising change in these countries as to render any notice of their past necessary. But as regards the Achaean nation and the royal house of Macedon it will be proper to refer briefly to earlier events, since our times have seen, in the case of the latter, its complete destruction, and in the case of the Achaeans, as I said, a growth of power and a political union in the highest degree remarkable. For while many have attempted in the past to induce the Peloponnesians to adopt a common policy, no one ever succeeding, as each was working not in the cause of general liberty, but for his own aggrandizement, this object has been so much advanced, and so nearly attained, in my own time that not only have they formed an allied and friendly community, but they have the same laws, weights, measures and coinage, as well as the same magistrates, senate, and courts of justice, and the whole Peloponnesus only falls short of being a single city in the fact of its habitants not being enclosed by one wall, all other things being, both as regards the whole and as regards each separate town, very nearly identical.

 
2 - 38 origin of name as embracing all Peloponnese.

In the first place it is of some service to learn how and by what means all the Peloponnesians came to be called Achaeans. For the people whose original and ancestral name this was are distinguished neither by the extent of their territory, nor by the number of their cities, nor by exceptional wealth or the exceptional valour of their citizens. Both the Arcadian and the Laconian nations far exceed them, indeed, in population and the size of their countries, and certainly neither of the two could ever bring themselves to yield to any Greek people the palm for military valour. How is it, then, that both these two peoples and the rest of the Peloponnesians have consented to change not only their political institutions for those of the Achaeans, but even their name? It is evident that we should not say it is the result of chance, for that is a poor explanation. We must rather seek for a cause, for every event whether probable or improbable must have some cause. The cause here, I believe to be more or less the following. One could not find a political system and principle so favourable to equality and freedom of speech, in a word so sincerely democratic, as that of the Achaean league. Owing to this, while some of the Peloponnesians chose to join it of their own free will, it won many others by persuasion and argument, and those whom it forced to adhere to it when the occasion presented itself suddenly underwent a change and became quite reconciled to their position. For by reserving no special privileges for original members, and putting all new adherents exactly on the same footing, it soon attained the aim it had set itself, being aided by two very powerful coadjutors, equality and humanity. We must therefore look upon this as the initiator and cause of that union that has established the present prosperity of the Peloponnese.

These characteristic principles and constitution had existed in Achaea from an early date. There is abundant testimony of this, but for the present it will suffice to cite one or two instances in confirmation of this assertion.

 
2 - 39 405-367. 371.

When, in the district of Italy, then known as Greater Hellas, the club-houses of the Pythagoreans were burnt down, there ensued, as was natural, a general revolutionary movement, the leading citizens of each city having then unexpectedly perished, and in all the Greek towns of the district murder, sedition, and every kind of disturbance were rife. Embassies arrived from most parts of Greece offering their services as peacemakers, but it was the Achaeans on whom these cities placed most reliance and to whom they committed the task of putting an end to their present troubles. And it was not only at this period that they showed their approval of Achaean political principles; but a short time afterwards, they resolved to model their own constitution exactly on that of the League. The Crotonians, Sybarites and Caulonians, having called a conference and formed a league, first of all established a common temple and holy place of Zeus Amarius in which to hold their meetings and debates, and next, adopting the customs and laws of the Achaeans, decided to conduct their government according to them. It was only indeed the tyranny of Dionysius of Syracuse and their subjection to the barbarian tribes around them which defeated this purpose and forced them to abandon these institutions, much against their will. Again, subsequently, when the Lacedaemonians were unexpectedly defeated at Leuctra, and the Thebans, as unexpectedly, claimed the hegemony of Greece, great uncertainty prevailed in the whole country and especially among these two peoples, the Lacedaemonians not acknowledging their defeat, and the Thebans not wholly believing in their victory. They, however, referred the points in dispute to the Achaeans alone among all the Greeks, not taking their power into consideration, for they were then almost the weakest state in Greece, but in view of their trustworthiness and high character in every respect. For indeed this opinion of them was at that time, as is generally acknowledged, held by all.

Up to now, these principles of government had merely existed amongst them, but had resulted in no practical steps worthy of mention for the increase of the Achaean power, since the country seemed unable to produce a statesman worthy of those principles, anyone who showed a tendency to act so being thrown into the dark and hampered either by the Lacedaemonian power or still more by that of Macedon.

 
2 - 40  Union of Peloponnese.

When, however, in due time, they found statesmen capable of enforcing them, their power at once became manifest, and the League achieved the splendid result of uniting all the Peloponnesian states. Aratus of Sicyon should be regarded as the initiator and conceiver of the project; it was Philopoemen of Megalopolis who promoted and finally realized it, while Lycortas and his party were those who assured the permanency, for a time at least, of this union. I will attempt to indicate how and at what date each of the three contributed to the result, without transgressing the limits I have set to this part of my work. Aratus’ government, however, will be dealt with here and in future quite summarily, as he published a truthful and clearly written memoir of his own career; but the achievements of the two others will be narrated in greater detail and at more length. I think it will be easiest for myself to set forth the narrative and for my readers to follow it if I begin from the period when, after the dissolution of the Achaean League by the kings of Macedon, the cities began again to approach each other with a view to its renewal. Henceforward the League continued to grow until it reached in my own time the state of completion I have just been describing.

 
2 - 41 284-280. 124th Olympiad, 37323-284. 1st Achaean league. 284-280, 2nd Achaean league.

It was in the 124th Olympiad that Patrae and Dyme took the initiative, by entering into a league, just about the date of the deaths of Ptolemy son of Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy Ceraunus, which all occurred in this Olympiad. The condition of the Achaean nation before this date had been more or less as follows. Their first king was Tisamenus the son of Orestes, who, when expelled from Sparta on the return of the Heraclidae, occupied Achaea, and they continued to be ruled by kings of his house down to Ogygus. Being dissatisfied with the rule of Ogygus’ sons, which was despotical and not constitutional, they changed their government to a democracy. After this, down to the reigns of Alexander and Philip, their fortunes varied according to circumstances, but they always endeavoured, as I said, to keep their League a democracy. This consisted of twelve cities, which still all exist with the exception of Olenus and of Helice which was engulfed by the sea a little before the battle of Leuctra. These cities are Patrae, Dyme, Pharae, Tritaea, Leontium, Aegium, Aegira, Pellene, Bura, and Caryneia. After the time of Alexander and previous to the above Olympiad they fell, chiefly thanks to the kings of Macedon, into such a state of discord and ill-feeling that all the cities separated from the League and began to act against each other’s interests. The consequence was that some of them were garrisoned by Demetrius and Cassander and afterwards by Antigonus Gonatas, and some even had tyrants imposed on them by the latter, who planted more monarchs in Greece than any other king. But, as I said above, about the 124th Olympiad they began to repent and form fresh leagues. (This was about the date of Pyrrhus’ crossing to Italy.) The first cities to do so were Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, and Pharae, and for this reason we do not find any formal inscribed record of their adherence to the League. About five years afterwards the people of Aegium expelled their garrison and joined the League, and the Burians were the next to do so, after putting their tyrant to death. Caryneia joined almost at the same time, for Iseas, its tyrant, when he saw the garrison expelled from Aegium, and the monarch of Bura killed by Margus and the Achaeans, and war just about to be made on himself by all the towns round, abdicated and, on receiving an assurance from the Achaeans that his life would be spared, added his city to the League.

 
2 - 42 2nd league

Why, the reader will ask, do I go back to these times? It is, firstly, to show which of the original Achaean cities took the first steps to re-form the League and at what dates, and, secondly, that my assertion regarding their political principle may be confirmed by the actual evidence of facts. What I asserted was that the Achaeans always followed one single policy, ever attracting others by the offer of their own equality and liberty and ever making war on and crushing those who either themselves or through the kings attempted to enslave their native cities, and that, in this manner and pursuing this purpose, they accomplished their task in part unaided and in part with the help of allies. For the Achaean political principle must be credited also with the results furthering their end, to which their allies in subsequent years contributed. Though they took so much part in the enterprises of others, and especially in many of those of the Romans which resulted brilliantly, they never showed the least desire to gain any private profit from their success, but demanded, in exchange for the zealous aid they rendered their allies, nothing beyond the liberty of all states and the union of the Peloponnesians. This will be more clearly evident when we come to see the League in active operation.

 
2 - 43  255-254. Margos. 251-250.Aratus. 243-242. Victory of Lutatius off insulae Aegates,  24Antigonus Gonatas,   283-239.

For twenty-five years, then, this league of cities continued, electing for a certain period a Secretary of state and two Strategi. After this they decided to elect one Strategus and entrust him with the general direction of their affairs, the first to be nominated to this honourable office being Margus of Caryneia. Four years later during Margus’ term of office, Aratus of Sicyon, though only twenty years of age, freed his city from its tyrant by his enterprise and courage, and, having always been a passionate admirer of the Achaean polity, made his own city a member of the League. Eight years after this, during his second term of office as Strategus, he laid a plot to rule the citadel of Corinth which was held by Antigonus, thus delivering the Peloponnesians from a great source of fear, and induced the city he had liberated to join the League. In the same term of office he obtained the adhesion of Megara to the Achaeans by the same means. These events took place in the year before that defeat of the Carthaginians which forced them to evacuate Sicily and submit for the first time to pay tribute to Rome. Having in so short a space of time thus materially advanced his projects, he continued to govern the Achaean nation, all of his schemes and action being directed to one object, the expulsion of the Macedonians from the Peloponnese, the suppression of the tyrants, and the re-establishment on a sure basis of the ancient freedom of every state. During the life of Antigonus Gonatas he continued to offer a most effectual opposition both to the meddlesomeness of this king and the lust for power of the Aetolians, although the two were so unscrupulous and venturesome that they entered into an arrangement for the purpose of dissolving the Achaean League.

 
2 - 44  239-229. Demetrius, 

But, on the death of Antigonus, the Achaeans even made an alliance with the Aetolians and supported them ungrudgingly in the war against Demetrius, so that, for the time at least, their estrangement and hostility ceased, and a more or less friendly and sociable feeling sprang up between them. Demetrius only reigned for ten years, his death taking place at the time the Romans first crossed to Illyria, and after this tide of events seemed to flow for a time in favour of the Achaeans’ constant purpose; for the Peloponnesian tyrants were much cast down by the death of Demetrius, who had been, so to speak, their furnisher and paymaster, and equally so by the threatening attitude of Aratus, who demanded that they should depose themselves, offering abundance of gifts and honours to those who consented to do so, and menacing those who turned a deaf ear to him with still more abundant chastisement on the part of the Achaeans. They therefore hurried to accede to his demand, laying down their tyrannies, setting their respective cities free, and joining the Achaean League. Lydiades of Megalopolis had even foreseen what was likely to happen, and with great wisdom and good sense had forestalled the death of Demetrius and of his own free will laid down his tyranny and adhered to the national government. Afterwards Aristomachus, tyrant of Argos, Xenon, tyrant of Hermione, and Cleonymus, tyrant of Phlius, also resigned and joined the democratic Achaean League.

 
2 - 45 229-220. Aetolians & Antigonus Doson, 

The League being thus materially increased in extent and power, the Aetolians, owing to that unprincipled passion for which is natural to them, either out of envy or rather in the hope of partitioning the cities, as they had partitioned those of Acarnania with Alexander and had previously proposed to do so regarding Achaea with Antigonus Gonatas, went so far as to join hands with Antigonus Doson, then regent of Macedonia and guardian to Philip, who was still a child, and Cleomenes, king of Sparta. They saw that Antigonus was undisputed master of Macedonia and at the same time the open and avowed enemy of the Achaeans owing to their seizure by treachery of the Acrocorinthus, and they supposed that if they could get the Lacedaemonians also to join them in their project, exciting first their animosity against the League, they could easily crush the Achaeans by attacking them at the proper time all at once and from all quarters. This indeed they would in all probability soon have done, but for the most important factor which they had overlooked in their plans. They never took into consideration that in his undertaking they would have Aratus as their opponent, a man capable of meeting any emergency. Consequently the result of their intrigues and unjust aggression was that not only did they entirely fail in their designs, but on the contrary consolidated the power of the League, and of Aratus who was then Strategus, as he most adroitly diverted and spoilt all their plans. How he managed all this the following narrative will show.

 
2 - 46  229-227. Aetolians intrigue with Cleomenes, King of Sparta, 

Aratus saw that the Aetolians were ashamed of openly declaring war on them, as it was so very recently that the Achaeans had helped them in their war against Demetrius, but that they were so much of one mind with the Lacedaemonians and so jealous of the Achaeans that when Cleomenes broke faith with them and possessed himself of Tegea, Mantinea, and Orchomenus, cities which were not only allies of the Aetolians, but at the time members of their league, they not only showed no resentment, but actually set their seal to his occupation. He saw too that they, who on previous occasions, owing to their lust of aggrandizement, found any pretext adequate for making war on those who had done them no wrong, now allowed themselves to be treacherously attacked and to suffer the loss of some of their largest cities simply in order to see Cleomenes become a really formidable antagonist of the Achaeans. Aratus, therefore, and all the leading men of the Achaean League decided not to take the initiative in going to war with anyone, but to resist Spartan aggression. This at least was their first resolve; but when shortly afterwards Cleomenes boldly began to fortify against them the so-called Athenaeum in the territory of Megalopolis, and to show himself their avowed and bitter enemy, they called the Council of the League together and decided on open war with Sparta.

This was the date at which the war known as the Cleomenic war began; and such was its origin.

 
2 - 47 227-221 Cleomenes, Aratus applies to Antigonus Doson

The Achaeans at first decided to face the Lacedaemonian single-handed, considering it in the first place most honourable not to owe their safety to others but to protect their cities and country unaided, and also desiring to maintain their friendship with Ptolemy owing to the obligations they were under to him, and not to appear to him to be seeking aid elsewhere. But when the war had lasted for some time, and Cleomenes, having overthrown the ancient polity at Sparta and changed the constitutional kingship into a tyranny, showed great energy and daring in the conduct of the campaign. Aratus, foreseeing what was likely to happen and dreading the reckless audacity of the Aetolians, determined to be beforehand with them and spoil their plans. He perceived that Antigonus was a man of energy and sound sense, and that he claimed to be a man of honour, but he knew that kings do not regard anyone as their natural foe or friend, but measure friendship and enmity by the sole standard of expediency. He therefore decided to approach that monarch and put himself on confidential terms with him, pointing out to him to what the present course of affairs would probably lead. Now for several reasons he did not think it expedient to do this overtly. In the first place he would thus expect himself to be outbidden in his project by Cleomenes and the Aetolians, and next he would damage the spirit of the Achaean troops by thus appealing to an enemy and appearing to have entirely abandoned the hopes he had placed in them—this being the very last thing he wished them to think. Therefore, having formed his plan, he decided to carry it out by covert means. He was consequently compelled in public both to do and to say many things quite contrary to his real intention, so as to keep his design concealed by creating exactly the opposite impression. For this reason there are some such matters that he does not even refer to in his Memoirs.

 
2 - 48 338. Philip 2. in Peloponnese, 

He knew that the people of Megalopolis were suffering severely from the war, as owing to their being on the Lacedaemonian border, they had to bear the full brunt of it, and could not receive proper assistance from the Achaeans, as the latter were themselves in difficulties and distress. As he also knew for a surety that they were well disposed to the royal house of Macedon ever since the favours received in the time of Philip, son of Amyntas, he felt sure that, hard pressed as they were by Cleomenes, they would be very ready to take refuge in Antigonus and hopes of safety from Macedonia. He therefore communicated his project confidentially to Nicophanes and Cercidas of Megalopolis who were family friends of his own and well suited for the business, and he had no difficulty through them in inciting the Megalopolitans to send an embassy to the Achaeans begging them to appeal to Antigonus for help. Nicophanes and Cercidas themselves were appointed envoys by the Megalopolitans, in the first place to the Achaeans and next, if the League consented, with orders to proceed at once to Antigonus. The Achaeans agreed to allow the Megalopolitans to send an embassy; and with the other ambassadors hastened to meet the king. They said no more than was strictly necessary on the subject of their own city, treating this matter briefly and summarily, but dwelt at length on the general situation, in the sense that Aratus had directed and prompted.

 
2 - 49 message to Antigonus Doson.

He had charged them to point out the importance and the probable consequences of the common action of the Aetolians and Cleomenes, representing that in the first place the Achaeans were imperilled by it and next and in a larger measure Antigonus himself. For it was perfectly evident to all that the Achaeans could not hold out against both adversaries, and it was still more easy for any person of intelligence to see that, if the Aetolians and Cleomenes were successful, they would surely not rest content and be satisfied with their advantage. The Aetolian schemes of territorial aggrandizement would never stop short of the boundaries of the Peloponnese or even those of Greece itself, while Cleomenes’ personal ambition, and far-reaching projects, though for the present he aimed only at supremacy in the Peloponnese, would, on his attaining this, at once develop into a claim to be over-lord of all Hellas, a thing impossible without his first putting an end to the dominion of Macedon. They implored him then to look to the future and consider which was most in his interest, to fight in the Peloponnese against Cleomenes for the supremacy of Greece with the support of the Achaeans and Boeotians, or to abandon the greatest of the Greek nations to its fate and then do battle in Thessaly for the throne of Macedonia with the Aetolians, Boeotians, Achaeans, and Spartans all at once. Should the Aetolians, still pretending to have scruples owing to the benefits received from the Achaeans in their war with Demetrius, continue their present inaction, the Achaeans alone, they said, would fight against Cleomenes, and, if Fortune favoured them, would require no help; but should they meet with ill-success and be attacked by the Aetolians also, they entreated him to take good heed and not let the opportunity slip, but come to the aid of the Peloponnesians while it was still possible to save them. As for conditions of alliance and the return they could offer him for his support, they said he need not concern himself, for once the service they demanded was being actually rendered, they promised him that Aratus would find terms satisfactory to both parties. Aratus himself, they said, would also indicate the date at which they required his aid.

 
2 - 50 Aratus wishes to do without king if possible.

Antigonus, having listened to them, felt convinced that Aratus took a true and practical view of the situation, and carefully considered the next steps to be taken, promising the Megalopolitans by letter to come to their assistance if such was the wish of the Achaeans too. Upon Nicophanes and Cercidas returning home and delivering the king’s letter, assuring at the same time their people of his good-will towards them and readiness to be of service, the Megalopolitans were much elated and most ready to go to the Council of the League and beg them to invite the aid of Antigonus and at once put the direction of affairs in his hands. Aratus had private information from Nicophanes of the king’s favourable inclination towards the League and himself, and was much gratified to find that his project had not been futile, and that he had not, as the Aetolians had hoped, found Antigonus entirely alienated from him. He considered it a great advantage that the Megalopolitans had readily consented to approach Antigonus through the Achaeans; for, as I said above, what he chiefly desired was not to be in need of asking for help also, but if it became necessary to resort to this, he wished the appeal to come not only from himself personally, but from the League as a whole. For he was afraid that if the king appeared on the scene and, after conquering Cleomenes and the Lacedaemonians, took any measures the reverse of welcome regarding the League, he himself would be universally blamed for what happened, as the king would seem to have justice on his side owing to Aratus’ offence against the house of Macedon in the case of the Acrocorinthus. Therefore, when the Megalopolitans appeared before the General Council of the League, and showing the king’s letter, assured them of his general friendly sentiments, at the same time begging the Achaeans to ask for his intervention at once, and when Aratus saw that this was the inclination of the Achaeans also, he rose, and after expressing his gratification at the king’s readiness to assist them at some length, begging them if possible to attempt to save their cities and country by their own efforts, that being the most honourable and advantageous course, but, should adverse fortune prevent this, then, but only when they had no hope left in their own resources, he advised them to resort to an appeal to their friends for aid.

 
2 - 51 Euergetes jealous of Macedonian policy of Aratus, helps Cleomenes.

The people applauded his speech, and a decree was passed to leave things as they were for the present and conduct the war unaided. But a series of disasters overtook them. In the first place Ptolemy threw over the League and began to give financial support to Cleomenes with a view of setting him on to attack Antigonus, as he hoped to be able to keep in check more effectually the projects of the Macedonian kings with the support of the Lacedaemonians than with that of the Achaeans. Next the Achaeans were worsted by Cleomenes while on the march near the Lycaeum and again in a pitched battle at a place in the territory of Megalopolis called Ladoceia, Lydiades falling here, and finally their whole force met with utter defeat at the Hecatombaeum in the territory of Dyme. Circumstances now no longer permitting delay, they were compelled by their position to appeal with one voice to Antigonus. Aratus on this occasion sent his son as envoy to the king and ratified the terms of the alliance. They were, however, in considerable doubt and difficulty about the Acrocorinthus, as they did not think Antigonus would come to their assistance unless it were restored to him, so that he could use Corinth as a base for the present war, nor could they go to the length of handing over the Corinthians against their will to Macedon. This even caused at first an adjournment of the Council for the consideration of the guarantees they offered.

 
2 - 52  224. Achaeans offer to surrender Acrocorinthus to Antigonus. Cleomenes prepares to resist. Antigonus comes to Isthmus, 

Cleomenes, having inspired terror by the victories I mentioned, henceforth made an unimpeded progress through the cities, gaining some by persuasion and others by threats. He annexed in this manner Caphyae, Pellene, Pheneus, Argos, Phlius, Cleonae, Epidaurus, Hermione, Troezen, and finally Corinth. He now sat down in front of Sicyon, but he had solved the chief difficulty of the Achaeans; for the Corinthians by ordering Aratus, who was then Strategus, and the Achaeans to quit Corinth, and by sending to invite Cleomenes, furnished the Achaeans with good and reasonable ground for offering to Antigonus the Acrocorinthus then held by them. Availing himself of this, Aratus not only atoned for his former offence to the royal house, but gave sufficient guarantee of future loyalty, further providing Antigonus with a base for the war against the Lacedaemonians.

Cleomenes when he became aware of the understanding between the Achaeans and Antigonus, left Sicyon and encamped on the Isthmus, uniting by a palisade and trench the Acrocorinthus and the mountain called the Ass’s Back, regarding confidently the whole Peloponnese as being henceforth his own domain. Antigonus had been for long making his preparations, awaiting the turn of events, as Aratus had recommended, but now, judging from the progress of events that Cleomenes was on the point of appearing in Thessaly with his army, he communicated with Aratus and the Achaeans reminding them of the terms of their treaty, and passing through Euboea with his forces, reached the Isthmus, the Aetolians having, in addition to other measures they took to prevent his assisting the Achaeans, forbidden him to advance with an army beyond Thermopylae, threatening, if he attempted it, to oppose his passage.

Antigonus and Cleomenes now faced each other, the former bent on penetrating into the Peloponnese and the latter on preventing him.

 
2 - 53 Achaeans seize Argos.

The Achaeans, although they suffered such very serious reverses, yet did not abandon their purpose or their self-reliance, but on Aristoteles of Argos revolting against the partisans of Cleomenes, they sent a force to his assistance and entering the city by surprise under the command of their Strategus, Timoxenus, established themselves there. We should look on this achievement as the principal cause of the improvement in their fortunes which ensued. For events clearly showed that it was this which checked Cleomenes’ ardour and subdued in advance the spirit of his troops. Though his position was stronger than that of Antigonus, and he was much better off for supplies, as well as animated by greater courage and ambition, no sooner did the news reach him that Argos had been seized by the Achaeans than he instantly took himself off, abandoning all these advantages, and made a precipitate retreat, fearing to be surrounded on all sides by the enemy. Gaining entrance to Argos he possessed himself of part of the city, but, on the Achaeans making a gallant resistance, this plan broke down too, and, marching by way of Mantinea, he returned to Sparta.

 
2 - 54  223. Antigonus receives Acrocorinthus. Recovery of Tegea. Skirmish with Cleomenes. Capture of Orchomenus & Mantinea. & Heraea & Telphusa.

Antigonus now safely entered the Peloponnese and took possession of the Acrocorinthus and, without wasting any time there, pushed on and reached Argos. Having thanked the Argives and put matters in the city on a proper footing, he moved on again at once, making for Arcadia. After having ejected the garrisons from the forts that Cleomenes had built there to command the country in the territory of Aegys and Belbina, and handed over these forts to the Megalopolitans, he returned to Aegium where the Council of the Achaean League was in session. He gave them an account of the measures he had taken and arranged with them for the future conduct of the war. They thereupon appointed him commander-in-chief of all the allied forces, and after this he retired for a short time to his winter quarters near Sicyon and Corinth. Early in spring he advanced with his army and reached Tegea in three days. Here the Achaeans joined him, and the siege of the city was opened. The Macedonians conducted the siege energetically, especially by mining, and the Tegeans soon gave up all hope of holding out and surrendered. Antigonus, after securing the city, continued to pursue his plan of campaign and advanced rapidly on Laconia. He encountered Cleomenes posted on the frontier to defend Laconia and began to harass him, a few skirmishes taking place; but on learning from his scouts that the troops from Orchomenus had left to come to the aid of Cleomenes, he at once hastily broke up his camp and hurried thither. He surprised Orchomenus, and captured it by assault, and after this he laid siege to Mantinea which likewise the Macedonians soon frightened into submission and then he advanced on Heraea and Telphusa which the inhabitants surrendered to him of their own accord. The winter was now approaching. Antigonus came to Aegium to be present at the meeting of the Achaean Synod, and dismissing all his Macedonians to their homes for the winter, occupied himself in discussing the present situation with the Achaeans and making joint plans for the future.

 
2 - 55  Messenian exiles at Megalopolis.

Cleomenes at this juncture had observed that Antigonus had dismissed his other troops and, keeping only his mercenaries with him, was spending the time at Aegium at a distance of three days’ march from Megalopolis. He knew that this latter city was very difficult to defend, owing to its extent and partial desolation, that it was at present very carelessly guarded owing to the presence of Antigonus in the Peloponnese, and above all that it had lost the greater part of its citizens of military age in the battles at the Lycaeum and at Ladoceia. He therefore procured the co-operation of certain Messenian exiles then living in Megalopolis and by their means got insides the walls secretly by night. On day breaking, he came very near not only being driven out, but meeting with complete disaster owing to the bravery of the Megalopolitans, who had indeed expelled and defeated him three months previously when he entered the city by surprise in the quarter called Colaeum. But on this occasion, owing to the strength of his forces, and owing to his having had time to seize on the most advantageous positions, his project succeeded, and finally he drove out the Megalopolitans and occupied their city. On possessing himself of it, he destroyed it with such systematic cruelty and animosity, that nobody would have thought it possible that it could ever be re-inhabited. I believe him to have acted so, because the Megalopolitans and Stymphalians were the only peoples from among whom in the varied circumstances of his career he could never procure himself a single partisan to share in his projects or a single traitor. For in the case of the Clitorians their noble love of freedom was sullied by the malpractices of one man Thearces whom, as one would expect, they naturally deny to have been a native-born citizen, affirming that he was the son of a foreign soldier and foisted in from Orchomenus.

 
2 - 56 Digression on misstatements of Phylarchus. Mantinea.

Since, among those authors who were contemporaries of Aratus, Phylarchus, who on many points is at variance and in contradiction with him, is by some received as trustworthy, it will be useful or rather necessary for me, as I have chosen to rely on Aratus’ narrative for the history of the Cleomenic war, not to leave the question of their relative credibility undiscussed, so that truth and falsehood in their writings may no longer be of equal authority. In general Phylarchus through his whole work makes many random and careless statements; but while perhaps it is not necessary for me at present to criticize in detail the rest of these, I must minutely examine such as relate to events occurring in the period with which I am now dealing, that of the Cleomenic war. This partial examination will however be quite sufficient to convey an idea of the general purpose and character of his work. Wishing, for instance, to insist on the cruelty of Antigonus and the Macedonians and also on that of Aratus the Achaeans, he tells us that the Mantineans, when they surrendered, were exposed to terrible sufferings and that such were the misfortunes that overtook this, the most ancient and greatest city in Arcadia, as to impress deeply and move to tears all the Greeks. In his eagerness to arouse the pity and attention of his readers he treats us to a picture of clinging women with their hair dishevelled and their breasts bare, or again of crowds of both sexes together with their children and aged parents weeping and lamenting as they are led away to slavery. This sort of thing he keeps up throughout his history, always trying to bring horrors vividly before our eyes. Leaving aside the ignoble and womanish character of such a treatment of his subject, let us consider how far it is proper or serviceable to history. A historical author should not try to thrill his readers by such exaggerated pictures, nor should he, like a tragic poet, try to imagine the probable utterances of his characters or reckon up all the consequences probably incidental to the occurrences with which he deals, but simply record what really happened and what really was said, however commonplace. For the object of tragedy is not the same as that of history but quite the opposite. The tragic poet should thrill and charm his audience for the moment by the verisimilitude of the words he puts into his characters’ mouths, but it is the task of the historian to instruct and convince for all time serious students by the truth of the facts and the speeches he narrates, since in the one case it is the probable that takes precedence, even if it be untrue, in the other it is the truth, the purpose being to confer benefit on learners. Apart from this, Phylarchus simply narrates most of such catastrophes and does not even suggest their causes or the nature of these causes, without which it is impossible in any case to feel either legitimate pity or proper anger. Who, for instance, does not think it an outrage for a free man to be beaten? but if this happen to one who was the first to resort to violence, we consider that he got only his desert, while where it is done for the purpose of correction or discipline, those who strike free men are not only excused but deemed worthy of thanks and praise. Again, to kill a citizen is considered the greatest of crimes and that deserving the highest penalty, but obviously he who kills a thief or adulterer everywhere meets with honour and distinction. So in every such case the final criterion of good and evil lies not in what is done, but in the different reasons and different purposes of the doer.

 
2 - 57 227.

Now the Mantineans had, in the first instance, deserted the Achaean League, and of their own free will put themselves and their city into the hands first of the Aetolians and then of Cleomenes. They had deliberately ranged themselves on his side and been admitted to Spartan citizenship, when, four years before the invasion of Antigonus, their city was betrayed to Aratus and forcibly occupied by the Achaeans. On this occasion, so far from their being cruelly treated owing to their recent delinquency, the circumstances became celebrated because of the sudden revulsion of sentiments on both sides. For immediately Aratus had the city in his hands, he at once issued orders to his troops to keep their hands off the property of others, and next, calling an assembly of the Mantineans, bade them be of good courage and retain possession of all they had; for if they joined the Achaean League he would assure their perfect security. The prospect of safety thus suddenly revealed to them took the Mantineans completely by surprise, and there was an instantaneous and universal reversal of feeling. The very men at whose hands they had seen, in the fight that had just closed, many of their kinsmen slain and many grievously wounded, were now taken into their houses, and received into their families with whom they lived on the kindest possible terms. This was quite natural, for I never heard of any men meeting with kinder enemies or being less injured by what is considered the greatest of calamities than the Mantineans, all owing to their humane treatment by Aratus and the Achaeans.

 
2 - 58 Aetolians & Lacedaemonians

Subsequently, as they foresaw discord among themselves and plots by the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians, they sent an embassy to the Achaeans asking for a garrison. The Achaeans consented and chose by lot three hundred of their own citizens, who set forth, abandoning their own houses and possessions, and remained in Mantinea to watch over the liberty and safety of its townsmen. At the same time they sent two hundred hired soldiers, who aided this Achaean force in safeguarding the established government. Very soon however the Mantineans fell out with the Achaeans, and, inviting the Lacedaemonians, put the city into their hands and massacred the garrison the Achaeans had sent them. It is not easy to name any greater or more atrocious act of treachery than this. For in resolving to foreswear their friendship and gratitude, they should at least have spared the lives of these men and allowed them all to depart under terms. Such treatment is, by the common law of nations, accorded even to enemies; but the Mantineans, simply in order to give Cleomenes and the Lacedaemonians a satisfactory guarantee of their good faith in this undertaking violated the law recognized by all makind and deliberately committed the most heinous of crimes. Vengeful murderers of the very men who previously on capturing their city had left them unharmed, and who were now guarding their liberties and lives—against such men, one asks oneself, can any indignation be too strong? What should we consider to be an adequate punishment for them? Someone might perhaps say that now when they were crushed by armed force they should have been sold into slavery with their wives and children. But to this fate the usage of war exposes those who have been guilty of no such impious crime. These men therefore were worthy of some far heavier and more extreme penalty; so that had they suffered what Phylarchus alleges, it was not to be expected that they should have met with pity from the Greeks, but rather that approval and assent should have been accorded to those who executed judgement on them for their wickedness. Yet, while nothing more serious befel the Mantineans, in this their hour of calamity, than the pillage of their property and the enslavement of the male citizens, Phylarchus, all for the sake of making his narrative sensational, composed a tissue not only of falsehoods, but of improbable falsehoods, and, owing to his gross ignorance, was not even able to compare an analogous case and explain how the same people at the same time, on taking Tegea by force, did not commit any such excesses. For if the cause lay in the barbarity of the perpetrators, the Tegeans should have met with the same treatment as those who were conquered at the same time. If only the Mantineans were thus exceptionally treated, we must evidently infer that there was some exceptional cause for anger against them.

 
2 - 59  Aristomachus

Again he tells us that Aristomachus of Argos, a man of most noble birth, having himself been tyrant of Argos and being descended from tyrants, was led away captive to Cenchreae and there racked to death, no man deserving less such a terrible fate. Exercising in this case too his peculiar talent, the author gives us a made-up story of his cries when on the rack having reached the ears of the neighbours, some of whom, horrified at the crime, others scarcely crediting their senses and others in hot indignation ran to the house. About Phylarchus’ vice of sensationalism I need say no more, for I have given sufficient evidence of it; but as for Aristomachus, even if he had been guilty of no other offence to the Achaeans, I consider that the general tenor of his life and his treason to his own country rendered him worthy of the most severe punishment. Our author, it is true, with the view of magnifying his importance and moving his readers to share his own indignation at his fate, tells us that he “not only had been a tyrant himself but was descended from tyrants.” It would be difficult from anyone to bring a graver or more bitter accusation against a man. Why! the very word “tyrant” alone conveys to us the height of impiety and comprises in itself the sum of all human defiance of law and justice. Aristomachus, if it is true that he was subjected to the most terrible punishment, as Phylarchus tells us, did not get his full deserts for the doings on one day; I mean the day on which when Aratus with the Achaeans had gained entrance to the town and fought hard to free the Argives at great risk, but was finally driven out, because none of those inside the city who had agreed to join him ventured to stir owing to their fear of the tyrant, Aristomachus, availing himself of the pretext that certain persons were cognisant of the entrance of the Achaeans, put to death eighty of the leading citizens who were quite innocent, after torturing them before the eyes of their relatives. I say nothing of the crimes that he and his ancestors were guilty of through their lives: it would be too long a story.

 
2 - 60 Death of Demetrius.

We must not therefore think it shocking if he met with treatment similar to what he had inflicted: it would have been much more so had he died in peace, without experiencing any as such. Nor should we charge Antigonus and Aratus with criminal conduct, if having captured him in war they had tortured and put to death a tyrant, any man who killed and punished whom even in the time of peace would have been applauded and honoured by all right-thinking people. When I add that in addition to all his other offences he broke his faith with the Achaeans, what fate shall we say was too bad for him? Not many years previously he had laid down his tyranny, finding himself in an embarrassed position owing to the death of Demetrius, and quite contrary to his expectation suffered no harm, being protected by the Achaeans, who showed themselves most lenient and generous; for not only did they inflict no punishment on him for the crimes he had committed during his tyranny, but receiving him with the highest dignity, making him their Strategus and Commander-in-chief. But instantly dismissing from his mind all these benefits, the moment it seemed to him that his prospects would be somewhat more brilliant if he sided with Cleomenes, he broke away from the Achaeans, transferring from them to the enemy at a most critical time his personal support and that of his country. Surely when they got him into their hands, he should not have been racked to death at night in Cenchreae, as Phylarchus says, but should have been led round the whole Peloponnesus and tortured as a spectacle for the public until dead. Yet notwithstanding his abominable character, all the harm he suffered was to be drowned in the sea by the officers in command at Cenchreae.

 
2 - 61  Megalopolis.

To take another instance, Phylarchus, while narrating with exaggeration and elaboration the calamities of the Mantineans, evidently deeming it a historian’s duty to lay stress on criminal acts, does not even make mention of the noble conduct of the Megalopolitans at nearly the same date, as if it were rather the proper function of history to chronicle the commission of sins than to call attention to right and honourable actions, or as if readers of his memoirs would be improved less by account of good conduct which we should emulate than by criminal conduct which we should shun. He tells us how Cleomenes took the city, and before doing any damage to it, sent at once a post to the Megalopolitans at Messene offering to hand back their own native country to them uninjured on condition of their throwing in their lot with him. So much he lets us know, wishing to show the magnanimity of Cleomenes and his moderation to his enemies, and he goes on to tell how when the letter was being read out they would not allow the reader to continue until the end, and how they came very near stoning the letter-bearers. So far he makes everything quite clear to us, but he deprives us of what should follow and what is the special virtue of history, I mean praise and honourable mention of conduct noteworthy for its excellence. And yet he had an opportunity ready to his hand here. For if we consider those men to be good who by speeches and resolutions only expose themselves to war for the sake of their friends and allies, and if we bestow not only praise but lavish thanks and gifts on those who have suffered their country to be laid waste and their city besieged, what should we feel for the Megalopolitans? Surely the deepest reverence and the highest regard. In the first place they left their lands at the mercy of Cleomenes, next they utterly lost their city owing to their support of the Achaeans, and finally, when quite unexpectedly it was put in their power to get it back undamaged, they preferred to lose their land, their tombs, their temples, their homes, and their possessions, all in fact that is dearest to men, rather than break faith with their allies. What more noble conduct has there ever been or could there be? But Phylarchus, blind, as it seems to me, to the most noble actions and those most worthy of an author’s attention, has not said a single word on the subject.

 
2 - 62 378. Its wealth.

Further he tells us that from the booty of Megalopolis six thousand talents fell to the Lacedaemonians, of which two thousand were given to Cleomenes according to usage. Now in this statement one marvels first at his lack of practical experience and of that general notion of the wealth and power of Greece so essential to a historian. For, not speaking of those times, when the Peloponnese had been utterly ruined by the Macedonian kings and still more by continued intestinal wars, but in our own times, when all are in complete unison and enjoy, it is thought, very great prosperity, I assert that a sale of all the goods and chattels, apart from slaves, in the whole Peloponnese would not bring in such a sum. That I do not make this assertion lightly but after due estimate will be evident from the following consideration. Who has not read that when the Athenians, in conjunction with the Thebans, entered on the war against the Lacedaemonians, sending out a force of ten thousand men and manning a hundred triremes, they decided to meet the war expenses by a property-tax and made a valuation for this purpose of the whole of Attica including the houses and other property. This estimate, however, fell short of 6000 talents by 250, from which it would seem that my assertion about the Peloponnese at the present day is not far wide of the mark. But as regards the times of which we are dealing, no one, even if he were exaggerating, would venture to say that more than three hundred talents could be got out of Megalopolis, since it is an acknowledged fact that most of the free population and the slaves had escaped to Messene. But the best proof of what I have to say is the following: Mantinea, both in wealth and power, was second to no city in Arcadia, as Phylarchus himself says, and it surrendered after a siege, so that it was not easy for anyone to escape or for anything to be stolen, but yet the value of the whole booty together with slaves amounted at this very period to but three hundred talents.

 
2 - 63 Ptolemy Euergetes & Cleomenes.

What he tells us next is still more astounding; after this assertion about the booty, he states that just ten days before the battle an envoy from Ptolemy reached Cleomenes informing him that that king withdrew his subvention and requested him to come to terms with Antigonus. He says that Cleomenes on hearing this resolved to stake his all on a battle before it reached the ears of his troops, as if he had no hope of being able to meet their pay from his own resources. But if at this very time he had six thousand talents at his command, he could have been more generous than Ptolemy himself in the matter of subventions; and if he could only dispose of three hundred talents it was enough to enable him to continue the war against Antigonus with absolute financial security. But to state in one breath that Cleomenes depended entirely on Ptolemy for money and that at the very same time he was in possession of such a large sum, is a sign of the greatest levity and want of reflection. Phylarchus has made many similar statements not only about this period but all through his work. I think, however, that what I have said at such length as the plan of this history allows should suffice.

 
2 - 64 222. Cleomenes invades Argos.

After the capture of Megalopolis, while Antigonus was still in winter quarters at Argos, Cleomenes at the beginning of spring collected his troops, and after addressing them in terms suitable to the occasion, led them out and invaded Argolis. Most people think that this was rash and hazardous on his part, owing to the strength of the frontier, but if we judge rightly it was really a safe and wise course. For as he saw that Antigonus had dismissed his forces, he knew well that, in the first place, he would be exposed to no danger in invading, and secondly, that, if the country were laid waste up to the walls, the Argives on seeing it would certainly be much vexed and lay the blame on Antigonus. If, therefore, unable to support the reproaches of the people, he marched out and risked a battle with such forces as he had, the probabilities were in favour of Cleomenes gaining an easy victory; but if, adhering to his plan, he remained quiet, he thought he could, after terrifying his enemies and inspiring his own troops with fresh courage, effect a safe retreat to Laconia, as actually happened. For, when the country was being laid waste, the populace held meetings in which they heaped abuse on Antigonus; but he, like a true general and prince, paid no attention to anything but a wise conduct of affairs, and remained quiet, while Cleomenes, having carried out his intention of devastating the country and thus striking terror into the enemy and encouraging his own troops to face the coming danger, retired in safety to his own country.

 
2 - 65  Summer campaign. army of Antigonus. position of Cleomenes at Sellasia.

Early in summer, on the Macedonians and Achaeans rejoining from their winter quarters, Antigonus advanced with his own army and the allies into Laconia. His Macedonian forces consisted of ten thousand to form the phalanx, three thousand peltasts, and three hundred horse. He had besides a thousand Agrianians, and a thousand Gauls, while his mercenary force numbered three thousand picked infantry and three hundred horse. There were also a thousand Megalopolitans armed in the Macedonian manner under the command of Cercidas of Megalopolis. The allies consisted of two thousand Boeotian foot and two hundred horse, a thousand Epirot foot and fifty horse, the same number of Acarnanians, and one thousand six hundred Illyrians under the command of Demetrius of Pharos. His total force thus amounted to twenty-eight thousand foot and one thousand two hundred horse. Cleomenes, who expected the invasion, had occupied the other passes into Laconia, placing garrisons in them and fortifying them by means of trenches and barricades of trees, and himself encamped at a place called Sellasia, with a force of twenty thousand men, as he conjectured that the invaders would most likely take this route, as in fact they did. At the actual pass there are two hills, one called Euas and the other Olympus, the road to Sparta running between these along the bank of the river Oenous. Cleomenes, having fortified both of these hills with a trench and palisade, posted on Euas the perioeci and allies under the command of his brother Eucleidas, while he himself held Olympus with the Spartans and mercenaries. On the low ground beside the river on each side of the road he drew up his cavalry and a certain portion of the mercenaries. Antigonus on his arrival observed the great natural strength of the position and how Cleomenes had so cleverly occupied the advantageous points with the portions of his force suitable in each case, that his whole formation resembled a charge. For attack and defence alike nothing was wanting, the position being at one and the same time a fortified camp difficult to approach and a line of battle ready for action.

 
2 - 66 Antigonus.

Antigonus therefore decided to make no hasty attempt to force the position and come to blows with the enemy, but encamped at a short distance with the river Gorgylus on his front, and for several days remained there noting the peculiar features of the country and the character of the forces, while at the same time, by threatening certain movements, he attempted to make the enemy show his hand. But being unable to find any weak or unprotected spot, since Cleomenes always checked him at once by a counter-movement, he abandoned this project, and finally the kings agreed to try issues in a battle: for they were very gifted and evenly-matched, these two generals whom Fortune had brought face to face. To confront those on Euas Antigonus drew up the brazen-shielded Macedonians and the Illyrians in alternate lines, placing them under the command of Alexander son of Acmetus, and Demetrius of Pharos. Behind these stood the Acarnanians and Cretans, and in the rear as a reserve were two thousand Achaeans. His cavalry he opposed to that of the enemy by the river Oenous under the command of Alexander and supported by a thousand Achaean and as many Megalopolitan infantry. He himself in person decided to attack Cleomenes on Olympus with the mercenaries and the rest of the Macedonians. Putting the mercenaries in front, he drew up the Macedonians behind them in two phalanxes with no interval between, the narrowness of the space rendering this necessary. It was arranged that the Illyrians were to begin their assault on the hill upon seeing a flag of linen waved from the